Loyalty

Former St. Francis guard Andre Henry ready for sixth year at UC Irvine

With a sixth year of basketball eligibility at UC Irvine, former St. Francis High guard Andre Henry has become so familiar with coach Russell Turner that both consider each other family.

Henry, who was injured last season after nine games, is back healthy, and Turner thinks he’s ready to be a standout on offense and defense this season.

He calls Henry one of the finest recruits he ever signed out of St. Francis in 2020. In 2023-24, he was the Big West Conference defensive player of the year.

“Andre was probably the top-ranked recruit we ever got,” said Turner, in his 16th season. “I watched him elevate his team at St. Francis and he’s still that type of personality. I’m thrilled where is right now and he’s going to have a great season on both sides of the ball. There’s not a limit he can accomplish.”

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UC Irvine men’s basketball coach talks about how Andre Henry has become a standout on the court for the Anteaters.

Turner said he’s grateful for Henry’s loyalty and commitment to the UC Irvine basketball program.

“Andre has become family with me and my staff,” he said. “He’s made great sacrifices to remain in our program. I think he sees we’re committed to him and I certainly see how committed he and his family have been to us. Hopefully, we can write the end to a great story in his sixth year.”

This is a daily look at the positive happenings in high school sports. To submit any news, please email [email protected].

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Beaumont coach Jeff Steinberg is enjoying his ‘old school’ moment

You have to look long and hard for stability and continuity in this era of transfer mania, but Beaumont football coach Jeff Steinberg is proud to point out that 26 of his 27 players in the starting rotation have been at Beaumont since their freshman seasons. The only one that didn’t came as a sophomore.

That kind of loyalty and confidence in a program produces community pride and helps build community support every time Beaumont plays.

The team is 5-1 and is favored to win the Citrus Belt League and be a factor in the Southern Section Division 2 playoffs.

Linebacker Matt Casas is a tackling machine with 52 tackles. Beaumont owns wins over Cathedral and Chaminade. Its only loss was 21-14 to Vista Murrieta.

Imagine how many fans from the Beaumont area will show up to playoff games. Can you say sellout?

This is a daily look at the positive happenings in high school sports. To submit any news, please email [email protected].

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Major UK supermarket slashes ALL Christmas chocolate tubs – and you DON’T need a loyalty card

A MAJOR UK supermarket has slashed the price of all its Christmas chocolate tubs – and you don’t need a loyalty card to get the bargain.

With just under 100 days to go until Christmas, shoppers are being urged to stock up early and save money on their festive favourites.

Illustration of a red circular container for Celebrations chocolate with various miniature chocolates and streamers, showing the weight of 550g.

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A tub of Quality Street or Celebrations now costs £4.42,

Asda, today cut the price on its tubs of Celebrations, Quality Street, Cadbury Heroes and Cadbury Roses – making them the cheapest on the market without signing up for any scheme.

A tub of Quality Street or Celebrations now costs £4.42, while Cadbury Heroes and Roses are just £4.92 each.

The supermarket said it wanted to give customers the best value possible ahead of the busy festive period, with no need to scan a card or download an app at the checkout.

The deals come as Asda recently unveiled its full Christmas food range for 2025.

It includes Hot Maple Pigs in Blankets, a Pigs in Duvet Wreath, a Festive Fondue Kit, Slow Cured Rack of Pork with Truffle Butter and Parmesan Crumb and a Pistachio & Milk Chocolate Flavour Cream Liqueur.

Retail experts say the price cuts could spark a supermarket price war as competitors look to match Asda’s prices in the run-up to December.

It follows a strong year for Asda, which was named one of the UK’s cheapest supermarkets by Which? earlier this month.

In August, a larger trolley shop of 190 items cost £474.86 at Asda – £11.03 cheaper than Tesco with a Clubcard.

Christmas chocolate price wars

Sweets under the tree are a big part of Christmas for British households.

Supermarkets often offer flash promotions giving shoppers a chance to get their festive favourites at a discounted price.

But these offers aren’t around for long.

Earlier this month, Tesco slashed the price of Quality Street tubs to £2.95.

The price drop gave shoppers a chance to stock up ahead of Christmas.

You’ll need to hide away the tubs to avoid the temptation of tucking in before December.

Besides the big chocolate tubs, other Christmas favourites are starting to land on shelves.

Cadbury’s Mini Snow Balls are one of the best-selling chocolate treats during Christmas time. 

How to save money on chocolate

We all love a bit of chocolate from now and then, but you don’t have to break the bank buying your favourite bar.

Consumer reporter Sam Walker reveals how to cut costs…

Go own brand – if you’re not too fussed about flavour and just want to supplant your chocolate cravings, you’ll save by going for the supermarket’s own brand bars.

Shop around – if you’ve spotted your favourite variety at the supermarket, make sure you check if it’s cheaper elsewhere.

Websites like Trolley.co.uk let you compare prices on products across all the major chains to see if you’re getting the best deal.

Look out for yellow stickers – supermarket staff put yellow, and sometimes orange and red, stickers on to products to show they’ve been reduced.

They usually do this if the product is coming to the end of its best-before date or the packaging is slightly damaged.

Buy bigger bars – most of the time, but not always, chocolate is cheaper per 100g the larger the bar.

So if you’ve got the appetite, and you were going to buy a hefty amount of chocolate anyway, you might as well go bigger.

SHOP & SAVE</p>
<p>GET ready for the holidays now by picking up a tin of Cadbury’s Roses, usually £5 now £4 with a Tesco Clubcard.</p>
<p>SAVE: £1

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Supermarkets often offer flash promotions giving shoppers a chance to get their festive favourites at a discounted price
Child's hand picking a chocolate from a box of Quality Street.

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With just under 100 days to go until Christmas, shoppers are being urged to stock up early and save money on their festive favouritesCredit: Alamy

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Pub chain with 2,700 sites launches all-new loyalty scheme offering members can get FREE pints and food

A MAJOR pub chain has launched a new loyalty rewards scheme where customers can get freebies including pints and food.

Greene King has relaunched its app and now has a feature where customers can get complimentary drinks and win prizes.

Illustration of a spinning wheel offering a free main course, dessert, or drink.

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The Spin the Wheel game lets you win a free main meal, drink or dessert

These include free pints and vouchers to spend in its 2,700 pubs across the UK.

It’s the first time Greene King has offered loyalty rewards to customers.

The pub chain says customers can now “earn perks, unlock surprises, and access exclusive offers – whether they order at the bar or through the app”.

Among the new features for loyalty customers is a chance to “spin the wheel” to win a prize.

If you spin the virtual wheel on the new Greene King app, you’ll win either a free main meal, drink or dessert.

The free drinks include Peroni, Birra Moretti, Rekorderlig, Aspell, Hazy Day, Coca Cola, Schweppes Lemonade and Madri.

And if you place an order through the app worth at least £1, there’s a chance to win a £50 voucher.

There’s also a “Pub Match” game where every time you spend through the app or scan your membership ID at the till, you are in with the chance of winning more freebies.

The aim of the game is to make it onto the interactive leaderboard of loyal customers, and you have a chance to win up to £50 each month. 

The more you use the app, the higher the chance of winning a prize.

BrewDog beers axed by almost 2,000 pubs across the UK

The rewards are redeemable at Greene King Pubs, Belhaven Pubs, Flaming Grill, Chef & Brewer, Farmhouse Inns and Hungry Horse.

Kevin Hydes, group marketing director at Greene King, said: “Pubs are about creating feel-good moments, but we know many people are keeping a close eye on costs.

“That’s why we’re always looking for ways to make visiting our pubs even more rewarding and to give back to our customers.

“With Spin to Win, we’re giving new customers a little something extra – a chance to enjoy a free treat on us, just for joining our loyalty programme.”

How can I get my rewards?

You can download the new Greene King app for free on your app store.

The Spin to Win game will appear on the homepage of your app.

You can also click into the Rewards section to see the rewards you’ve earned.

You can claim the reward either when you pay through the app or at the bar.

On the app just add all your items to the basket and then apply the reward at checkout.

If you order at the bar, you need to show your Membership ID to the bartender.

You can find this at the top right of your Rewards section on the app.

What other features are on the app?

The app will also let you make and manage your bookings, customise orders and pay.

Greene King says it will reduce wait times and let you order quickly.

There will also be the option to repeat orders with one click.

Which other pubs have loyalty schemes?

Greene King is not the only chain which has a loyalty scheme.

Butcombe, which runs more than 120 pubs across the UK, lets customers access exclusive discounts for downloading the app.

These include earning points, where you get five points for spending £1. Once you reach 500 points, £5 will be added to your account to spend.

You can also get 25 per cent off food every Wednesday.

O’Neills also gives members signed to its loyalty programme the chance to collect stamps that can be exchanged for rewards.

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Prep talk: Quarterback Dominick Catalano gets another shot at Mater Dei

Dominick Catalano waited four years to be the starting quarterback at Corona Centennial. He’s taken control of a team that’s 2-1 and facing No. 1 Mater Dei at home on Friday night.

Catalano, though, got a start in the season opener last season because of an injury to Husan Longstreet and made the most of his debut against one of the best defenses in the state — Mater Dei. He completed 17 of 32 passes for 188 yards and two touchdowns with two interceptions in a 42-25 loss.

He’s more mature and confident going into Friday’s game. He still gets all A’s on his report card and is headed to Pomona-Pitzer, which isn’t exactly easy to get into.

His brother, Anthony, served as Centennial’s interim coach two weeks ago against Santa Margarita, and the Catalano brothers almost pulled off a victory in overtime.

Coach Matt Logan appreciated Dominick’s loyalty waiting his turn to be a starter, but it was inevitable. He’s a former Centennial ball boy. He’s passed for 757 yards and eight touchdowns and must deal with the expected Mater Dei pass rush on Friday.

It’s the third Trinity League team the Huskies are playing in nonleague games, having beaten Servite and lost to Santa Margarita.

This is a daily look at the positive happenings in high school sports. To submit any news, please email [email protected].



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Perot Campaign Asks Electors for Loyalty Oaths

The campaign of likely independent presidential candidate Ross Perot on Sunday confirmed that it has asked electors running on Perot tickets to sign notarized oaths pledging their loyalty to the Texas billionaire and their commitment to vote for him in the Electoral College.

The statement came only two days after a senior campaign spokeswoman had described reports of the oaths as “absurd”–a mistake that appears to highlight continued disorganization within the campaign.

Also, the distribution of the oaths–which have been strongly criticized by some Perot electors asked to sign them–underscored growing tensions between grass-roots Perot volunteers in the states and the campaign hierarchy in Dallas.

Campaign spokeswoman Elizabeth Maas on Sunday strongly defended the oaths as necessary to ensure that electors will maintain their support for Perot if he wins a plurality of votes within a state.

Voters who cast ballots for the presidency actually are selecting electors pledged to vote for the candidate when the Electoral College votes in December. But in most states, there is no legal requirement that electors vote for the candidate they are pledged to.

While the Democratic and Republican parties can recruit electors from among a stable of loyal party activists, the Perot campaign has had to find its electors among thousands of volunteers, many of them with no prior ties to Perot and “no history of support for him,” Maas said.

Other Perot aides said Sunday that the campaign is increasingly concerned about many of its volunteers–fearing that some who have signed up as electors might ultimately prove to be uncontrollable or even Republican “moles.”

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Ruling on National Guard in L.A. won’t protect us from a ‘national police force’

A federal judge ruled Tuesday that President Trump’s deployment of the National Guard in Los Angeles was illegal, which the sane and democracy-loving among us should applaud — though of course an appeal is coming.

During the trial, though, a concerning but little-noticed exchange popped up between lawyers for the state of California and Maj. Gen. Scott Sherman, who was in charge of the federalized National Guard forces in L.A. It should have been an explosive, red-flag moment highlighting the pressure our military leaders are under to shake off their oath to the Constitution in favor of fealty to Trump.

Sherman testified that he objected to National Guard involvement in a show-of-force operation in MacArthur Park, where Latino families often congregate.

That action, Sherman said, was originally slated for Father’s Day, an especially busy time at the park. Internal documents showed it was considered it a “high-risk” operation. Sherman said he feared his troops would be pushed into confrontations with civilians if Border Patrol became overwhelmed by the crowds on that June Sunday.

Gregory Bovino, in charge of the immigration efforts in L.A. for the Border Patrol, questioned Sherman’s “loyalty to the country,” Sherman testified, for just showing hesitation about the wisdom and legality of an order.

It’s the pressure that “you’re not being patriotic if you don’t blow by the law and violate it and just bend the knee and and exhibit complete fealty and loyalty to Trump,” California Atty. Gen. Rob Bonta said Tuesday. And it’s a warning of what’s to come as Trump continues to press for military involvement in civilian law enforcement across the country.

For the record, Sherman has served our country for decades, earning along the way the prestigious Legion of Merit, the Bronze Star and the Meritorious Service Medal among other accolades.

The MacArthur Park operation, according to the Department of Homeland Security, was itself little more than a performative display of power “to demonstrate, through a show of presence, the capacity and freedom of maneuver of federal law enforcement within the Los Angeles,” according to agency documents presented in court. It was dubbed Operation Excalibur, in honor of the legendary sword of King Arthur that granted him divine right to rule, a point also included in court documents.

But none of that mattered. Instead, Sherman was pushed to exhibit the kind of blind loyalty to a dear leader that you’d expect to be demanded in dictatorships like those of North Korea or Hungary. Loyalty that confuses — or transforms — a duty to the Constitution with allegiance to Trump. Military experts warn that Sherman’s experience isn’t an isolated incident.

“There’s a chilling effect against pushing back or at least openly questioning any kind of orders,” Rachel E. VanLandingham, a retired Air Force lieutenant colonel, told me. She’s former active duty judge advocate in the U.S. Air Force who now teaches at Southwestern Law School and serves as a national security law expert.

VanLandingham sees the leadership of our armed forces under pressure “to not engage in the critical thinking, which, as commanders, they are required to do, and to instead go along to get along.” She sees Sherman’s testimony as a “telling glimpse into the wearing away” of that crucial independence.

Such a shift in allegiance would undermine any court order keeping the military out of civilian law enforcement, leaving Trump with exactly the boots on the ground power he has sought since his first term. This is not theoretical.

Through Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth, Trump has purged the top ranks of the military of those who aren’t loyal to him. In February, Hegseth fired the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, a Black soldier who championed diversity in the armed forces. Hegseth has also purged the head of the Pentagon’s intelligence agency, the head of the National Security Agency, the chief of Naval Operations, multiple senior female military staff and senior military lawyers for the Army, Navy and Air Force. In August, he fired the head of the U.S. Defense Intelligence Agency after that general gave a truthful assessment of our bombing of Iran’s nuclear sites, angering Trump.

At the same time, the military is being pushed farther into civilian affairs, and not just as erstwhile cops. The Associated Press reported Tuesday that Hegseth ordered 600 military lawyers to serve as temporary immigration judges.

Not to dive too deep into the convoluted immigration system, but these are civilian legal positions, another possible violation of the Posse Comitatus Act, VanLandingham points out.

And beyond that, can a military lawyer — trained and bound to follow orders — really act as an impartial judge in proceedings where the administration’s wish to deport is clearly known?

Goodbye due process, goodbye fair trial.

That “looks like martial law when you have militarized … judicial proceedings,” VanLandingham said. “How can we trust they are making unbiased decisions? You can’t.”

And even though Sherman pushed back on a full-blown military presence in MacArthur Park, that raid did happen. Federal agents marched through, about three weeks after Father’s Day, with National Guard troops remaining in their vehicles on the perimeter. It was Hegseth himself who authorized the mission.

Sherman also said on the stand that he was told there were “exceptions” to the Posse Comitatus Act — the law being debated in the trial that prevents the military from being used as civilian law enforcement — and that the president had the power to decide what those exceptions were.

“So your understanding is that while [some actions] are on the list of prohibited functions, you can do them under some circumstances?” Judge Charles Breyer asked.

“That’s the legal advice I received,” Sherman answered.

“And the president has the authority to make that decision?” Breyer asked.

“The president has the authority,” Sherman answered.

But does he?

Breyer also asked during the trial, if the president’s powers to both command troops and interpret law are so boundless, “What’s to prevent a national police force?” What, in effect, could stop Trump’s Excalibur-inspired inclinations?

For now, it’s the courts and ethical, mid-level commanders like Sherman, whose common-sense bravery and decency kept the military out of MacArthur Park.

Men and women who understand that the oaths they have sworn are to our country, not the man who would be king.

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Column: Why MAGA’s ideologues can’t always get what they want

MAGA has a problem, in the form of Donald Trump. Put simply: MAGA wants to define what MAGA (or “America first”) means, and Donald Trump wants it to mean whatever he says at any given moment.

I should offer a little definitional clarity and political nuance. Make America Great Again means different things to different people. The Trump coalition is not monolithic, it contains factions that do not necessarily consider themselves to be MAGA. But as shorthand, MAGA is an identifiably distinct bloc on the right, and it’s the dominant faction in the broader GOP coalition. Its internal diversity notwithstanding, it still has a worldview or ideology. And the MAGA faithful are increasingly frustrated by the fact that Trump doesn’t always share, or prioritize, that ideology.

They believed that if you could just “let Trump be Trump” he would follow their conception of MAGA. In Ronald Reagan’s first term, many movement conservatives were frustrated by what they perceived as the Gipper’s drift toward centrism. They blamed moderates in the administration. “Let Reagan be Reagan” became a rallying cry on the right.

“It’s a piece of conventional wisdom on the new American right that Donald Trump struggled in his first term because he hired the wrong people — old-think Bush Republicans, figures like Rex Tillerson and Steven Mnuchin, who didn’t have a populist bone in their bodies,” the news website Semafor’s Ben Smith offers in an astute analysis.

As a result, Smith continues, “Trump’s most passionate supporters weren’t going to make that mistake again. They created initiatives like American Moment, Project 2025, and others aimed at grooming and credentialing a cadre of MAGA appointees. When Trump took office, the America Firsters moved en masse into the Department of Defense. Big Tech avengers seized the antitrust apparatus. Conspiracy-minded podcasters took over the FBI.

“And yet — just as Trump often ignored his conventional advisers in the first term, he’s stunned loyalists by sweeping aside this carefully assembled apparat in 2025.”

Trump said as much to the Atlantic magazine last month: “I think I’m the one that decides” what “America first” means.

“It turns out that personnel isn’t policy,” the executive director of the American Conservative, Curt Mills, “glumly” told Smith. The idea that “personnel is policy” is another Reagan-era mantra; put Reaganites in important positions and you’ll get Reaganite policies. Putting Trumpists in powerful positions doesn’t yield the same results.

Immigration hawks have been panicking over the president’s suggestion that farm and hotel workers should be excluded from his deportation schemes. As Trump told Fox News, “I’m on both sides of the thing.” Foreign policy “restrainers” were beclowned by his support of Israel’s strikes on Iran and his apparent about-face on helping Ukraine.

On China, Trump’s been a hawk as promised, except when he hasn’t, allowing NVIDIA to sell chips to China, and ignoring the law by refusing to sell or shutter TikTok.

Then there’s the Jeffrey Epstein fiasco, which has bedeviled Trump for weeks. It’s intensity and durability can best be explained by the fact that it divides those who define Trumpism as loyalty to Trump and those who believe that loyalty would be, must be rewarded by a cleansing of corrupt globalist elite — or something.

In short, there is no “Trumpism” that is an analogue to Reaganism. Reaganism is a philosophical approach. What defines Trump’s reign is better understood as a psychological phenomenon both as an explanation of his behavior and of his fans’ cultish and performative loyalty. To the extent Trump has a philosophy it is to follow his instincts, which are most powerfully informed first by his own ego but also the dramaturgy of professional wrestling, reality TV and Norman Vincent Peale’s prosperity gospel.

He’s said many times that he considers unpredictability a virtue in itself, which by definition means he is going to disappoint anyone who expects philosophical coherence. When Trump was a bull in a China shop, the people most excited by the sound of breaking vases and dishware assumed there was a broader method to the madness. But now the same people are learning that Trump won’t be saddled by his fans any more than he is by norms.

This was always going to be the case (as I noted in 2017), but what adds to MAGA’s frustration is that anyone can see and copy the bull-handling techniques that are most likely to work. Compliment him, call him “daddy,” celebrate his genius and expertise, and you too can manipulate him with at least moderate success.

Perhaps most significant, it’s becoming clear that a movement defined by loyalty to a mercurial personality is bound to split apart once that personality leaves the stage — if not sooner.

X: @JonahDispatch

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Ideas expressed in the piece

  • The author contends that MAGA faces a fundamental problem with Donald Trump himself, as the movement seeks to define what “America First” means while Trump insists it means whatever he declares at any given moment. This creates an inherent tension between ideological consistency and Trump’s mercurial leadership style.

  • The piece argues that MAGA faithful have grown increasingly frustrated with Trump’s failure to consistently share or prioritize their worldview, despite their belief that allowing Trump to “be Trump” would naturally align with their conception of the movement. This frustration stems from Trump’s tendency to disappoint supporters across various policy areas including immigration, foreign policy, and China relations.

  • The author maintains that the Reagan-era principle of “personnel is policy” fails to apply to Trump, as placing committed Trumpists in powerful positions does not guarantee the implementation of coherent MAGA policies. Instead, Trump often ignores or sidelines his carefully selected advisers just as he did with conventional Republicans in his first term.

  • The analysis suggests that there is no coherent “Trumpism” philosophy comparable to Reaganism, describing Trump’s approach as fundamentally psychological rather than philosophical. The author characterizes Trump’s governing style as driven primarily by ego and influenced by professional wrestling, reality TV, and prosperity gospel theatrics.

  • The piece concludes that any movement defined by loyalty to a mercurial personality is destined to fracture once that personality exits the political stage, if not sooner, as Trump’s unpredictability prevents the philosophical coherence necessary for lasting political movements.

Different views on the topic

  • Contrary perspectives suggest that Trump has successfully consolidated control over the Republican Party, with his MAGA movement having effectively routed the GOP establishment and become the new institutional power structure[1]. This view emphasizes Trump’s political dominance rather than internal fractures or ideological inconsistencies.

  • Some observers argue that Trump’s influence within his own coalition remains strong, noting that his ability to intimidate reporters and maintain loyalty from supporters, social media influencers, and Fox News hosts demonstrates continued political power[2]. This perspective suggests that apparent divisions may be temporary rather than signs of fundamental weakness.

  • Alternative viewpoints acknowledge tensions within the MAGA coalition but frame them as natural political evolution rather than fatal flaws, suggesting that political movements often experience internal debates and realignments without necessarily fracturing[1]. These perspectives emphasize Trump’s track record of successfully navigating previous challenges to his leadership.

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