Dino Snores for grown-ups opens up the iconic Natural History Museum overnight

It’s one of the most iconic buildings and attractions in London and is known the world over.

The Natural History Museum is a marvel, containing tens of thousands of specimens from the natural world from across the globe and across time.

Not only that but the building is one of the most stunning in the capital, instantly recognisable and with some new wonder to be found on every visit.

And, in a real bucket list moment and a once in a lifetime experience, I was one of the people lucky enough to spend the night in this iconic building, sleeping under Hope the whale and wandering through the collections in the dead of night.

The Natural History Museum hosts Dino Snores for adults – and what an experience it is.

Not only do you get to spend the night sleeping beneath Hope the whale in the main Hintze Hall, there is so much going on there’s no way you’ll be getting your head down until the wee small hours.

Walking into the museum after the sun had gone down felt like living in my very own fairy tale. The exhibits in the incredible main hall were softly lit.

First up was a delicious three course meal in the T-Rex restaurant, followed by our first activity of the evening – stand-up comedy.

This is the Natural History Museum after all, so it did have a conservation theme in the form of comedian Simon Watt, founder of the Ugly Animal Preservation Society.

Who knew blob fish, frogs and the inexplicable inclusion of the kakapo flightless parrot could be so hilarious.

Next, there was a live animal workshop with ethical handling company, ZooLab, who encouraged us all to think how we would design our own dinosaur using traits from some of the amazing creatures who share the planet with us.

You were even allowed to touch some of these rare species – I very bravely overcame my terror to stroke a snake but have to admit to breathing a big sigh of relief when were were told the tarantula was a look only experience.

Then onto a lecture about sharks with a one of the museum’s palaeontologists – utterly fascinating.

A quick game of Dino Bingo, and then a stroll around the softly lit galleries with no crowds – the dinosaur section really is something else when the lights are out and it’s eerily quiet – and before we knew it it was 3am and we were ready to drop.

Tucking ourselves into our sleeping bags under the watchful gaze of Hope the whale, we were serenaded to sleep by a harpist – the theme from Jurassic Park as my personal favourite.

Throughout the night, there was a fully licenced bar as well as free tea, coffee and snacks to keep you going throughout the evening.

There was just so much to see and do, but for those who didn’t feel like roaming the halls of the Natural History Museum there was also a midnight film screening – what else but the original Jurassic Park.

Waking up in the iconic Hintze Hall was a real pinch me moment and off we went to our early morning yoga class – a stretch was just what we needed – before a full fry up and then some time to once again wander through the galleries, minus the crowds before the museum opened to the public at 10am.

This really was a magical experience and one I’ll cherish forever.

For more information about Dino Snores for adults check out the page on the Natural History Museum website.

There is also a Dino Snores event for kids, for more information visit the website.

The US president repeats claims that Cuba is ready to negotiate as it faces a spiralling energy and economic crisis.

United States President Donald Trump has signalled that his administration is still pursuing a government overthrow in Cuba even as the US-Israeli war on Iran enters its second week.

Trump said on Monday that the US Department of State is still focused on Cuba, where plans by the White House may or may not include “a friendly takeover” of the island, according to the Reuters news agency.

US Secretary of State Marco Rubio is “dealing” with Cuba, the president told reporters in Florida.

“He’s dealing [with it], and it may be a friendly takeover, it may not be a friendly takeover. Wouldn’t really matter because they’re really down to … as they say, fumes. They have no energy, they have no money,” Trump said.

“They are going to make either a deal or we’ll do it just as easy, anyway,” he said.

Cuba has been grappling with an energy crisis since January, when US forces abducted Venezuelan President Nicolas Maduro and halted fuel exports from Caracas to Havana, cutting the country off from one of its few allies and a key source of oil for the Cuban economy.

White House officials have suggested that Cuba is facing an economic collapse and that its government is ready to negotiate with Washington.

Trump has said on multiple occasions that Cuba’s government is ready to “fall” and that its leaders want to “make a deal” with Washington, according to NBC News.

Cuba has denied reports of high-level talks, according to Reuters, but it has not “outright” denied US media reports of “informal talks” between Raul Guillermo Rodriguez Castro, the grandson of former Cuban President Raul Castro, and US officials.

Cuba has been in the crosshairs of the US for decades, but Trump is the first US president since the Cold War to openly discuss and pursue a government change in Havana.

Trump’s attacks on Venezuela and Cuba are in line with his revival of the “Monroe Doctrine”, a 19th-century policy that states the Western Hemisphere should be solely under the sway of the US and no other foreign power.

Trump first raised the notion of a “friendly takeover” of Cuba in February.

A suspected Iranian attack on a high-rise residential building in Bahrain’s capital of Manama has killed a 29-year-old Bahraini woman and injured several others.

Tommy DeCarlo, a longtime fan of Boston who became the classic rock band’s lead singer in the late 2000s, has died. He was 60.

DeCarlo died Monday following a battle with brain cancer, his family announced on Facebook.

“[H]e fought with incredible strength and courage right up until the very end,” the family’s statement said. “During this difficult time, we kindly ask that friends and fans respect our family’s privacy as we grieve and support one another.”

Born April 23, 1965, in Utica, N.Y., DeCarlo said he first started listening to Boston — the 1970s rock band known for its instrumental overtures and hits including “More Than a Feeling,” “Don’t Look Back” and “Peace of Mind” — as a young teenager, according to the group’s website. The vocalist credited his love for Boston’s original frontman Brad Delp and his desire to sing along with him on the radio for helping to develop his own singing voice.

After Delp’s death in 2007, DeCarlo, then a manager at a Home Depot, sent a link to his MySpace page filled with Boston covers as well as an original song in tribute to Delp to the Boston camp, hoping for a chance to participate in a tribute show for the singer. They kindly turned down his offer.

But eventually, Boston founder and lead songwriter Tom Scholz heard DeCarlo’s cover of “Don’t Look Back” and invited the singer to perform a few songs with the band at the tribute. That tribute show would be DeCarlo’s first time ever performing with any band in front of a crowd, but it wouldn’t be his last. He continued to perform with the band at live shows for years, and even joined them on some tracks for their 2013 album, “Life, Love & Hope.”

DeCarlo also formed the band Decarlo with his son, guitarist Tommy DeCarlo Jr. In October, the singer announced he was stepping away from performing due to “unexpected health issues.”

“[P]erforming and sharing music with all of you around the world has been one of the greatest joys of my life,” DeCarlo wrote in his Facebook post. “I can’t thank you all enough for the incredible love, support, and understanding you’ve shown me and my family during this time. It truly means the world to us.”

If there is a lesson to be found in keeping the faith when faced with setbacks, look no further than the career of Anthony Cacace.

On Saturday in Dublin’s 3 Arena, the 37-year-old bids to become a two-time super-featherweight world champion when taking on WBA holder James ‘Jazza’ Dickens.

However, for much of his professional career, Cacace was something of a forgotten man.

His talent was never in question, but breaks were measured in x-rays rather than opportunities with injuries, opponent withdrawals and cancellations all too common.

Nonetheless, he kept grinding and grafting, pads by day and pizza delivery by night; waiting, hoping and believing his time would come.

The big chance arrived in May 2024 against IBF champion Joe Cordina on the undercard of Oleksandr Usyk v Tyson Fury in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia.

Back with his old amateur team headed by Michael Hawkins, Cacace – born to a Belfast mother and Italian father – grabbed the opportunity with both hands, returning home to a hero’s welcome and given the ultimate honour of a mural painted close to his parents’ Andersonstown home in the west of the city to mark the occasion.

He hasn’t looked back, defeating Josh Warrington at Wembley Stadium later that year and after vacating the IBF title, beating Leigh Wood in Nottingham in May 2025, improving his record to 24 wins with one defeat.

“Fighting for my second world title, things can’t get better than that,” Cacace told BBC Sport NI as he prepared for another training day at Holy Trinity Boxing Club.

“I’ve had my fair share of letdowns and pull-outs at the last minute, but I can’t complain because it’s been all in God’s plan. I really do genuinely believe everything that’s happened has happened for a reason to set me up for times like these.

“To be up here with the boys [coaching team]: Ruairi [Dalton], Michael [Hawkins Jr], Barry [O’Neill], Micky [Hawkins] Sr – it’s been set for me, I genuinely believe.

“It’s like a dream come true, and I’m just really enjoying where I’m at at the moment.”

Fête de la musique, France

Paris has some great festivals, such as Cercle (22-24 May), with dance music stars against the backdrop of planes and rockets in an outdoor aerospace museum, but the most accessible and democratic is Fête de la musique, which began in Paris in 1982 but is now popular across the country. It is a loose event encompassing dozens of free, semi-impromptu outdoor performances all over each host city, including plenty in Lille, which is even cheaper and quicker to get to than Paris on the Eurostar from London.

While the UK may cock its ear occasionally to English-singing bands like Phoenix and the “French touch” scene that birthed Daft Punk, Justice and more, Fête de la musique is a chance to immerse yourself in the music that rarely crosses the Channel, from spirited chanson to Francophone hip-hop and the breakneck carnival styles of shatta or bouyon, where MCs rattle through commands on tracks of more than 160 beats per minute.

Eurostar goes to Paris 12 times a day from London, and to Lille six times (eight at weekends).
21 June, free, fetedelamusique.culture.gouv.fr

Roadburn, Tilburg

If you don’t mind changing trains after arriving in Amsterdam or Rotterdam on the Eurostar, there are several Dutch festivals to choose from. Le Guess Who? in Utrecht (5-8 November) is celebrating its 20th year this year, and hands over some of the curation to a series of invariably excellent left-field musical guests: the likes of Animal Collective, Lonnie Holley, Mabe Fratti and Stereolab have held the reins in recent years. Rewire in The Hague (9-12 April) is even more out-there, calling on a global array of dynamic artists, from the most pristine ambient to the most audiologist-troubling extreme noise.

But the most prestigious is Roadburn, hosted in the little visited (by Brits, anyway) university town of Tilburg, which is also accessible via a change in Brussels. It has ringfenced its own black, slippery zone of adventurous heavy music, encompassing alt-metal, noise, desert rock, drone and the fringes of punk, hip-hop and electronics. Bands often play albums in full – or two albums, in the case of Japanese legends Boris this year – and thanks to a relative dearth of hotels and B&Bs in Tilburg, many festivalgoers stay on a municipal campsite complete with its own noisy (but not sleep-disturbing) live sets.
16-19 April, €284 (£247); two-day and day tickets also available, roadburn.com

The Black Lights, Blackpool

With rail-friendly Glastonbury taking a fallow year this year, June has a festival hole that needs filling – so the timing is perfect for the arrival of the most promising new British festival in years, the Black Lights. Conceived by the White Hotel, a Salford venue that has become a cornerstone of northern underground culture, it will be hosted across multiple venues – including the beach, hosting “a modern-day War of the Roses in brass”, as brass bands from Lancashire and Yorkshire perform together.

The rest of the music programme draws from the fraying edges of rave culture, ambient, rap and dream-pop, with artists including the Caretaker – whose ultra-poignant compositions have made him an unlikely hero to gen Z on TikTok – as well as industrial-trance producer Evian Christ, lo-fi singer-songwriter Joanne Robertson, and film composer and alt-pop icon Mica Levi playing with the BBC Philharmonic Orchestra.

Blackpool’s location, halfway up the British Isles and close to dozens of large conurbations across north-west England, makes it quick and accessible via train to millions, including direct routes from London, and only one change involved from Glasgow, Newcastle, Sheffield or Bristol.
26-28 June, £150, theblacklights.uk

Westival, Pembrokeshire

North Korea’s Kim Yo Jong said the annual ‘Freedom Shield’ exercises could lead to ‘unimaginably terrible consequences’.

Kim Yo Jong, the powerful sister of North Korean leader Kim Jong Un, has accused the United States and South Korea of “destroying the stability” of East Asia, as the two countries start their annual 10-day joint military exercises on the Korean Peninsula.

“The muscle-flexing of the hostile forces near the areas of our state’s sovereignty and security may cause unimaginably terrible consequences,” Kim Yo Yong said on Tuesday, according to the state-run Korean Central News Agency (KCNA).

“The enemies should never try to test our patience, will and capability,” Kim said.

“We will watch to what extent the enemy violates the security of our state and what it is playing at,” she continued.

Kim’s remarks follow the start of the joint Freedom Shield exercises on Monday, which will run for 10 days and involve 18,000 South Korean and US military personnel.

The military manoeuvres are designed to “enhance the combined, joint, all-domain, and interagency operational environment, thereby strengthening the Alliance’s response capabilities,” United States Forces Korea said.

This year’s Freedom Shield will involve 22 field training drills, according to South Korea’s Yonhap News Agency, which is fewer than half the number carried out last year.

Kim added on Tuesday that there was no justification to hold the exercises, which have been called a “defensive” action by Washington and Seoul in the past.

“No matter what justification they may establish and how the elements of the drill may be coordinated, the clear confrontational nature of the high-intensity large-scale war drill staged by the most hostile entities in collusion at the doorstep of [North Korea] never changes,” she said.

“The recent global geopolitical crisis and complicated international events prove that all military manoeuvres of the field warfare troops, to be conducted by the enemy states, assume no distinction between defence and attack, training and actual warfare,” she continued, in an apparent reference to the US-Israel war on Iran.

South Korea and North Korea have technically been at war since 1953, when an armistice agreement paused fighting but did not formally end the armed confrontation.

North Korean leader Kim Jong Un said in 2024 that he would no longer pursue reconciliation with South Korea, although it remains Seoul’s long-term goal.

An official at South Korea’s Ministry of Unification told Yonhap that Kim’s remarks on Tuesday were relatively muted by North Korean standards.

The statement did not refer directly to the US or threaten to use nuclear weapons, the official said, speaking on condition of anonymity.

“Kim appears to have limited her response to merely pinpointing the South Korea-US exercise, taking the current security situation into account,” the official told Yonhap.

Surging energy prices caused by the US-Israel war on Iran could ripple across the United States economy, heaping further strain on consumers at a time when cost-of-living issues are already a primary concern.

The price of crude oil increased from about $67 per barrel before the war began on February 28 to nearly $97 on Monday, as the conflict snarls production and transport in one of the most energy-rich regions on earth. Oil temporarily passed $100 per barrel on Sunday before slightly easing back.

The price tracker GasBuddy reported on Monday that the average price of gas in the US has risen by 51 cents per gallon over the last week.

“Yes, yes, definitely,” said 52-year-old Alma Newell when asked if she was worried about price increases at a gas station in the coastal city of Goleta, California.

Newell said she is out of work with a shoulder injury and worried that rising costs could stretch her already limited budget.

“The prices have a big impact because I’m not working right now,” she said. “Food and rent are already very expensive.”

“It’s crazy,” she added. “Because the war is so unnecessary.”

Cost of living issues

Rising prices could deepen frustration with the administration of US President Donald Trump and put greater political pressure on the White House, already struggling to address cost-of-living issues with the crucial midterm elections set to take place later this year.

“I think the current price increase in oil suggests the US will see $3.50 to $4 gasoline by next week, and $5 diesel this week,” said Gregory Brew, a senior analyst on Iran and oil at the Eurasia Group.

The highest recorded average for gas prices at the pump was in June 2022, when prices soared to $5.034, months after the Russian war on Ukraine started, according to Gas Buddy, which tracks fuel prices going back to 2008.

“The impact 1773123967 is more political than economic, as high gasoline prices generate negative press and can add to the perception that the government is not properly handling the economy. That means Trump will feel more political pressure to end this war quickly.”

A Pew Research Center poll in early February suggested widespread anxiety about the rising cost-of-living before the US and Israel launched attacks on Iran, with 68 percent of respondents saying they were very or somewhat concerned about gas prices.

“I’m not too worried myself because I have a hybrid car and ride my bike,” said 72-year-old Bjorn Birmir at the gas station in Goleta, California. “But for people in general, it will make life more expensive. Prices are already high, and it will make them even higher.”

Ongoing disruptions

The disruptions caused by the war include the shuttering of the Strait of Hormuz, a key node in global transit and shipping. Iran has long said that it could close down the strait in the event of a showdown with the US and Israel.

About 20 percent of global oil and a significant portion of natural gas pass through the strait, predominantly to Asia, supplies that are now stranded as traffic through the narrow waterway has ground to a halt. Iranian attacks on energy infrastructure in countries across the region have also led some countries to scale back production.

Other economic sectors are also feeling the squeeze.

Goods such as fertiliser, vital for agricultural production, are seeing price increases just ahead of the spring planting season in the Northern Hemisphere. About one-third of the global fertiliser trade passes through the Strait of Hormuz.

Effects of the war could ripple throughout the global economy, with poor countries especially hard-hit. Pakistan announced a series of austerity measures and cuts to fuel subsidies on Monday, while Bangladesh shuttered universities and announced restrictions on fuel use as a result of the war.

US officials and countries around the world have already discussed measures to help ease the shock of rising energy prices, including the potential release of strategic oil reserves in a bid to temporarily boost global supply.

The G7 said on Monday that it would take “necessary measures” to support energy supplies, but held off on announcing the release of strategic reserves, with energy ministers set to meet on Tuesday to discuss the matter further.

The US has a strategic oil reserve of more than 415 million barrels, one of the largest in the world, that it could release in coordination with allied countries.

But it is unclear when these measures would kick in and how long such steps could help fill the gaps created by the war.

Rachel Ziemba, adjunct senior fellow at the Center for a New American Security, says that much depends on whether the war is brought to a speedy conclusion or continues on for weeks or even months, with the possibility of further escalation.

Thus far, neither the US and Israel nor Iran has suggested it are willing to stop the war anytime soon, although Trump told CBS News on Monday that “the war is very complete, pretty much”, comments that helped ease some of the price swings in oil and stocks.

“If the war continues, we would see oil prices not only remain elevated, but perhaps rally further as markets price in a more protracted outage,” said Ziemba. “There’s also the question of, when it does end, how much damage will be done to infrastructure and just how quickly supplies could come back online.”

Initial polling has suggested that the war is unpopular in the US, with a Quinnipiac University poll released on Monday finding that 53 percent of voters who responded oppose Trump’s military action in Iran, including 60 percent of political independents.

That lack of popular support could present a political headache for Trump and his Republican Party if voters connect the war to increasing prices. Thus far, Trump has largely dismissed concerns about the war’s possible impact on the rising cost of living.

“Short term oil prices, which will drop rapidly when the destruction of the Iran nuclear threat is over, is a very small price to pay for USA, and World, Safety and Peace,” Trump said in a Truth Social post on Sunday. “ONLY FOOLS WOULD THINK DIFFERENTLY!”

The BBC war drama depicts a fictional nuclear attack on Britain by Russia and its devastating aftermath – and was so disturbing it was banned from broadcast for two decades

In the face of escalating conflicts worldwide – from the intensifying US-Israel joint operation against Iran in the Middle East, Israel’s ongoing war on Gaza following Hamas’ October 2023 attack, to the four-year-long Russia-Ukraine war still in progress – it’s no exaggeration to say we’re witnessing a catastrophic level of global unrest.

Amidst this turmoil, the looming threat of nuclear warfare is ever-present. The aftermath of such a conflict would bring about unimaginable destruction and devastation – the fallout is too horrific to contemplate.

This chilling scenario was portrayed in a BBC documentary from 1965, a film so disturbing it was banned from television broadcast for two decades by the British Broadcasting Corporation itself.

At the time, the corporation justified its decision to prohibit the documentary, stating: “The effect of the film has been judged by the BBC to be too horrifying for the medium of broadcasting. It will, however, be shown to invited audiences..”

The controversial pseudo-documentary finally aired in Great Britain on 31 July 1985, twenty years after its initial scheduled screening date of 6 October 1965. This broadcast coincided with the week leading up to the 40th anniversary of the Hiroshima bombing, reports the Express.

The War Game is currently available for free streaming on BBC iPlayer or can be bought for £5.99 on Amazon Prime Video.

Written, directed and produced by Peter Watkins for the BBC, The War Game depicted a fictional nuclear strike on Britain by the Soviets and its devastating consequences.

The docu-film’s official synopsis states: “In this British documentary, a hypothetical Chinese invasion of South Vietnam triggers a new world war between East and West. In the town of Rochester, Kent, the anticipation of a nuclear attack leads to mass evacuations.

When a stray missile actually explodes, the ensuing firestorm blinds all those who see it. It’s not long before the fabric of society is ripped apart owing to radiation poisoning, a lack of infrastructure and rioting for food and other necessities.”

On 13 April 1966, The War Game had its premiere at the National Film Theatre in London, where it screened until 3 May. Barred from broadcast, the 47-minute docu-drama subsequently appeared at numerous international film festivals, including Venice, where it secured the Special Prize.

The recognition continued – the prohibited BBC production went on to claim the Academy Award for Best Documentary Feature in 1967, alongside two BAFTAs for Best Short Film and the UN Award.

Boasting a near-flawless 93% approval rating on review aggregator site Rotten Tomatoes, The War Game has earned widespread acclaim from critics and viewers.

One reviewer commented on the docu-drama: “Nothing that you have heard or read can fully prepare you for Peter Watkins’ 1965 faux documentary on the aftermath of a nuclear attack on Great Britain.”

Another reviewer added: “One of the most disturbing, overwhelming, and downright important films ever produced.”

A third critic described it as essential viewing, noting: “It was produced by the British Broadcasting Corp. but never televised because it was felt its showing would be both horrifying and depressing. It is. It also is realistic, informative and shattering. It is a movie that everyone should see.”

Whilst one critic said: “Still packs a whallop. Will stick with you for life. Don’t say I didn’t warn you,” another commented on the nuclear war drama, “One of the most skillful documentary films ever made.”

Viewer reactions mirror this sentiment, with one audience member writing in an extensive review: “The War Game, although created as a TV movie for the BBC for the 20th anniversary of the bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, is easily the one of the most disturbing movies I have ever seen, on par only with Gus van Sant’s “Elephant. ” It accurately portrays the effects and aftermath of a nuclear attack and uses a handheld documentary style that makes everything chillingly real.

“There were several times during the film when I had to remind myself that Britain had never suffered a nuclear attack and the footage I was looking at was not real. There are very few films that have left me in the state that this one did when it was over. Much like “Schindler’s List” or “American History X,” this is the kind of movie I think everyone should watch because it is so incredibly informative and brings the viewer so much closer to understanding the pain and monstrosity of a nuclear attack.”

Another viewer described it as: “A harrowing punch in the gut that nothing prepared me for. Unforgettable.”

Meanwhile, one audience member remarked about Watkins’ drama: “Really shook me up and left me reeling for a while after seeing it. Peter Watkins ruined my 3 day weekend with this masterfully done piece of film. Needs to be required viewing for every being capable of understanding images and sound.”

The War Game can be streamed free of charge on BBC iPlayer until July 2026, or purchased for £5.99 through Amazon Prime Video.

Kawhi Leonard scored 29 points, Bennedict Mathurin added 28 points, and the Clippers beat the New York Knicks 126-118 at Intuit Dome on Monday night to climb back to .500 for the first time since early November.

The Clippers are 32-32 and have won five of their first six games in March as they try to improve their potential position in the NBA play-in tournament. They began the season in a 6-21 tailspin.

It was Leonard’s 42nd straight game with 20-plus points, the second-longest active streak in the NBA and third-longest in team history.

Mathurin scored 22 in the second half off the bench as one of five Clippers in double figures. Darius Garland had 23 points and seven assists in his second start.

Karl-Anthony Towns led the Knicks with 35 points on 13-of-17 shooting, 12 rebounds and seven assists before fouling out in the final seconds. Jalen Brunson added 28 points and OG Anunoby had 22 points.

Buoyed by chants of “Let’s go Knicks!” at Intuit Dome, New York cut its deficit from 15 points with a 17-9 run, including six in a row from Brunson, to go into the fourth trailing 88-81.

The Knicks three times closed within five over the final four minutes. But the Clippers controlled the final two minutes, helped by Mathurin’s three-point play and a three-pointer by Derrick Jones Jr.

Clippers star Kawhi Leonard celebrates a basket during a win over the Knicks on Monday at Intuit Dome.

(Eric Thayer / Los Angeles Times)

Standing third in the Eastern Conference race, the Knicks split the season series with the Clippers, and have not beaten them in Los Angeles since 2022. New York has dropped three of four.

The Clippers opened the game by making four consecutive three-pointers and led most of the first half, which ended in a scoring duel between Leonard and Towns. Leonard scored 10 in a row for the Clippers and Towns had eight straight for the Knicks, who trailed 64-55 at the break.

Up next for the Clippers: vs. the Minnesota Timberwolves at Intuit Dome on Wednesday.

Believed to be one of the country’s most haunted houses, the stunning castle offers guided tours, grade I listed gardens and even bed and breakfast stays

A genuine reflection of Wales‘s magnificent historic landmarks, this castle certainly deserves its place amongst the ‘must-visit’ destinations topping everyone’s travel lists.

Nestled peacefully in the stunning Conwy Valley, the castle sits within the foothills of Snowdonia and is frequently described as one of Britain’s finest Tudor houses.

Fortunately for visitors, the impressive Gwydir Castle welcomes the public from April to September three days weekly to discover its splendour through guided tours.

Originally built as the grand ancestral residence of the influential Wynn family, it was first built in the 15th century. Today it holds grade I listed status after previously falling into a state of disrepair.

While the castle is celebrated for its beautiful peacocks wandering the grounds, it’s equally notorious for its eerie ambience.

Gwydir is thought to be amongst Wales’s most haunted properties, though this hasn’t deterred royal visits over the years, with King Charles making a return in July 2018, then as Prince of Wales, two decades after his earlier visit.

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Restoration

By 1994, the property had languished in a derelict state for years and desperately needed some serious attention, which was provided by its new owners, Peter Welford and Judy Corbett.

Though restoring this historic building has been far from straightforward, it’s a project to which they have essentially devoted their lives.

The restoration remains an ongoing endeavour, but the achievements so far have been remarkable, with the project funded almost entirely from their own pockets, apart from a modest grant from Cadw.

The work has been methodical yet painstaking, carried out with such dedication and devotion by its custodians that visitors can now appreciate the results.

This remarkable journey included repurchasing what was legitimately theirs and returning it to where it truly belonged – crucial architectural elements from the original dining room.

The fireplaces, wood panelling, and doorframes were removed and transported overseas after being purchased by William Randolph Hearst, the renowned newspaper tycoon.

Yet in 1995 they discovered Gwydir’s missing dining room features, languishing in a storage facility unused by the Metropolitan Museum in New York.

Following extensive negotiations and 75 years in America, they were finally restored to their rightful place at Gwydir Castle. To commemorate this restoration triumph, the Dining Room wing was officially reopened by King Charles himself in 1998, whilst he served as Prince of Wales.

Present day

Visitors aren’t limited to simply exploring the grounds – they can actually lodge in its magnificent accommodation, which provides a bed and breakfast service. What’s more, the property can also be booked for weddings and special occasions.

What truly enables visitors to fully appreciate the venue, however, is through its guided tours, which are available for groups of 15 people or more.

The attraction opens between 11am and 4pm, and is currently welcoming day-trippers at an entry fee of £12 for adults and £5 for children.

One recent guest described their visit to the castle on TripAdvisor, writing: “Without doubt anyone visiting this castle would be amazed by the history of the site and the surrounding grade I listed gardens beautifully kept.

“They also have beautiful peacocks roaming free all around the castle and are fantastic to watch.”

Another visitor said: “Absolutely fabulous! Highly recommend. The house is lovely, and the gardens are terrific. The period furniture throughout the house is beautiful. A lovely revisit of a special holiday after so many years.”

Those passionate about horticulture will delight in the outdoor areas, which hold the prestigious distinction of being among Wales’ only grade I listed gardens, effortlessly combining influences from the Renaissance, Tudor, and Stuart eras. During their visit, nature lovers can spot yew trees, Cedars of Lebanon, and wisteria alongside numerous elegantly crafted fountains scattered throughout.

A further visitor added: “This beautifully restored 17th-century castle is a hidden gem that deserves to be much better known. The house and gardens are magical. They also have holiday accommodation, but it is a perfect day-visit.”

March 9 (Asia Today) — Guest commentary contributed to Asia Today by Park Ki-soon, Professor, Graduate School of Chinese Studies, Sungkyunkwan University.

Debate over platform regulation has been intensifying in South Korea. A prominent example is the proposed Online Platform Act (OPA). The bill includes provisions such as commission caps, a prior designation system, collective bargaining rights and class-action lawsuits – all framed as measures to protect merchants and ensure fair competition.

The intention itself is not necessarily misguided. Information asymmetry and unequal bargaining power do exist within the platform ecosystem. However, before deciding what to regulate, policymakers must carefully consider how regulation should be implemented. Good intentions do not always produce good outcomes.

The European Union (EU) enacted the Digital Markets Act (DMA) in 2022 and designated six companies – including Alphabet, Apple and Meta – as “gatekeepers,” subjecting them to strict ex-ante regulations. The law was introduced with the stated goal of promoting competition and protecting consumers.

Yet less than three years later, research is suggesting outcomes quite different from what policymakers expected.

A study examining 3,500 consumers in seven Central and Eastern European countries found that user behavior on Google and Facebook remained largely unchanged after the DMA took effect. Competition did not increase, while the complexity of online tasks rose by 39%.

Another study analyzing 4.1 million apps in the Google Play Store estimated that after the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) was implemented, one-third of all apps disappeared, the number of new apps was cut in half and consumer surplus declined by roughly one-third. Venture investment and startup formation also slowed significantly.

Commission caps have produced similarly disappointing results. After Apple lowered App Store fees in the EU, only 9% of apps reduced prices for consumers. Meanwhile, more than 86% of the fee savings flowed to developers outside the EU.

Rather than effectively restraining large corporations, platform regulations have often increased barriers to entry for smaller firms. In other words, regulations intended to curb market dominance may ironically end up protecting incumbent giants by making it harder for new competitors to enter.

South Korea faces an even more delicate situation than the EU.

In the search engine market, Naver and Google dominate, while KakaoTalk has become the country’s national messaging platform. Korean cultural content spreads globally through platforms such as YouTube and Netflix, and cosmetics exports reached $11.4 billion in 2025.

Except for China – which restricts foreign platforms – South Korea is often considered the world’s most platform-independent digital ecosystem. At the same time, this ecosystem is deeply interconnected with global platforms.

Under these circumstances, poorly designed regulations could also affect foreign investment by companies such as Netflix and Amazon Web Services (AWS) in Korea.

There are also diplomatic risks. The United States has expressed concern that the OPA’s prior designation system could disproportionately target American companies and potentially violate the non-discrimination principle under the Korea-U.S. Free Trade Agreement.

Washington has already criticized the EU’s DMA as a non-tariff barrier targeting U.S. Big Tech and has hinted at possible retaliatory measures. A similar dispute could arise if Korea adopts comparable regulatory frameworks.

Another concern is that excessive regulation could inadvertently benefit Chinese platforms.

Chinese e-commerce services such as AliExpress and Temu are already rapidly expanding their presence in the Korean shopping app market. If both domestic and global platforms are tightly constrained while Chinese platforms remain largely unaffected, the result would be the exact opposite of what regulators intend.

South Korea has previously fallen behind China in areas such as online banking due to a “regulate first, innovate later” approach. That experience should serve as a cautionary lesson.

Platform policy must be approached with prudence. Regulations designed without sufficient consideration of market dynamics risk doing more harm than good – weakening innovation, discouraging investment and ultimately undermining the very ecosystem they aim to protect.

— Reported by Asia Today; translated by UPI

© Asia Today. Unauthorized reproduction or redistribution prohibited.

Original Korean report: https://www.asiatoday.co.kr/kn/view.php?key=20260309010002423

When a state’s political leadership announces a ceasefire and its military keeps firing, the instinct is to reach for deception as the explanation. In Iran’s case, the more unsettling answer may be structural. The gap between what Iranian presidents say and what Iranian forces do reflects not a coordinated lie but a command architecture deliberately engineered to operate without central direction. In a serious conflict, the consequences of that architecture would be felt well beyond Iran’s borders.

A Command Architecture Designed to Survive Decapitation

In September 2008, IRGC Commander General Mohammad Ali Jafari oversaw a sweeping restructuring that divided the force into thirty-one provincial corps, each empowered to conduct military operations within its zone without requiring authorization from the center. As Michael Connell of the Center for Naval Analyses noted in his analysis for the United States Institute of Peace, the intent was to strengthen unit cohesion and ensure operational continuity under degraded command conditions. He flagged explicitly that the decentralization could produce unintended escalation dynamics, particularly in the Persian Gulf.

That warning deserves serious attention. The IRGC’s Mosaic Defense doctrine was not designed to make Iran more responsive to political leadership in a crisis. It was designed to ensure that military operations could continue regardless of what happened to that leadership. A force structured that way does not stop firing because a president gives a speech.

The Apology That Wasn’t

The internal contradiction becomes clearest when traced through a hypothetical cascade. A president announces a ceasefire and attributes the directive to an Interim Leadership Council. A fellow council member publicly declares that heavy strikes will continue. A hardline cleric addresses the president directly, calling his position untenable. By the time the president’s original statement is reposted, the ceasefire language has been quietly removed.

The IRGC’s own posture in this scenario resolves the ambiguity on structural grounds. It endorses the president’s language, then appends a caveat that renders it inoperative: all US and Israeli military bases and interests across the region remain primary targets. Since every GCC state hosts American forces, that framing preserves full operational freedom while allowing the presidency to project restraint. The contradiction is not incidental. It is the doctrine functioning as designed.

The Theological Dimension

Iran is not simply a military organization. It is a theocratic state whose constitutional legitimacy flows from velayat-e faqih, the guardianship of the Islamic jurist, which vests supreme authority in a single clerical figure whose religious and political mandates are inseparable. Remove that figure, and the system’s legitimating architecture is suspended rather than transferred. The Assembly of Experts is constitutionally mandated to elect a successor, but wartime conditions would disrupt that process at precisely the moment its resolution matters most.

A RAND Corporation analysis prepared for the Office of the Secretary of Defense identified the IRGC as the institution best positioned to shape any post-Khamenei transition, with the organizational reach and economic weight to determine outcomes that civilian institutions cannot contest. The result, in a decapitation scenario, is a theocratic state operating without its theological anchor and a military operating under pre-delegated authority with no one capable of recalling it.

Durability Without Effect

The Mosaic Defense doctrine would prove, above all, durable. A decentralized force can survive catastrophic leadership losses and sustain operations. But durability is not the same as capability, and sustained fire is not the same as strategic effect.

Iran’s theory of regional attrition, the calculation that sustained strikes against Gulf infrastructure and American basing would fracture GCC cohesion and coerce Arab neighbors toward neutrality, has produced no evidence of working. The GCC bloc has held. Individual member states have coordinated their responses rather than fractured under pressure. The country absorbing the sharpest volume of Iranian strike activity, the UAE, has demonstrated air defense performance that has exceeded even optimistic prewar assessments. Publicly available figures suggest UAE systems have defeated upward of ninety percent of inbound threats, a result that reflects years of sustained investment, deep integration with American and Israeli platforms, and an operational tempo that has stress-tested those systems at genuine scale.

The picture that emerges is not one of Iran winning a war of attrition. It is one of an Iran burning through accessible inventory, losing launch infrastructure faster than it can regenerate, and discovering that the regional architecture it spent years attempting to destabilize has proven considerably more resilient than it calculated.

That resilience carries its own strategic meaning. A weakened force operating under pre-delegated authority, without a supreme leader to set limits, remains dangerous in a narrow tactical sense. But it is operating without a coherent end state, and the environment it faces is not the one it anticipated. The GCC’s collective posture and the demonstrated effectiveness of layered air defense across the Gulf have closed off the strategic outcomes Iran’s doctrine was written to achieve.

The scenario is instructive for what it reveals about the limits of decentralized military design. A force built to keep firing regardless of political direction is also a force that cannot be steered toward an exit. But the Gulf states have demonstrated something of equal importance in response: that resilience, properly built and consistently resourced, can outlast a doctrine designed for chaos, and that the regional order Iran sought to unravel has shown itself capable of absorbing the blow.

The soaps are lining up some big twists next week according to new spoilers, with exits teased and new discoveries across Emmerdale, EastEnders, Coronation Street and Hollyoaks

The soaps feature major twists next week that could impact the future of some favourite characters.

Emmerdale will air a big confession, and the fallout could lead to the exit of three characters. Coronation Street is also hinting at exits, as some secrets may be exposed and one villain teases they are leaving Weatherfield for good.

Over on EastEnders, there’s a discovery about one newcomer, and Bea takes worrying action against another Walford resident. As for Hollyoaks, there’s a sibling twist and prison breakout plan.

Finally Home and Away is lining up a reunion and some worrying health news. Ensure our latest headlines always appear at the top of your Google Search by making us a Preferred Source. Click here to activate or add us as your Preferred Source in your Google search settings.

READ MORE: Hollyoaks star calls for Justin Burton return ahead of ‘explosive’ new Osborne plotREAD MORE: Coronation Street love triangle erupts – and Maggie’s antics exposed

Emmerdale

Bear loses control and lies to DS Walsh that he killed Ray on purpose in a bid to protect Paddy. Paddy’s devastated, fearing his dad will get a life sentence. It leads to Paddy and Dylan agreeing to confess to their part in Ray’s death cover-up, and the events prior.

They’re told they will be charged with perverting the course of justice, and the family soon realise that finding a witness to confirm it was Ray’s intent to kill Dylan could back their self-defence claim. Elsewhere, Kim’s vulnerable with Lydia as she vows to keep her heart closed off to Graham.

Joe is fed up by Graham’s attempts to turn him off Kim, while Kim presses Joe until he makes an admission. Also next week, Jacob’s struggling with his placement and Dr. Todd’s mentorship programme but is left shattered by Dr. Todd’s brutal notes.

Kerry and Jai continue to keep their fling a secret, but Eric soon realises something could be going on. When Mary offers her advice, will he listen? Finally next week, Isaac is upset as he fears his dad Cain will die from cancer, while Cain is preoccupied in his search for farm land.

Coronation Street

Nina’s worried about Sam’s behaviour, and soon things worsen when he collapses on the pavement. He’s rushed to hospital, and when Leanne gently suggests that his exams weren’t the only reason he resorted to taking drugs, he considers confessing all.

As Sam’s family rally around him, will the walls close in on Megan? Soon, Megan’s past comes back to haunt her as a shock discovery rocks the Driscolls, and Daniel wants answers.

Lisa quizzes Kit about the attack on Mal, but he gives nothing away. When Lisa reveals a witness has come forward, Kit masks his unease before ambushing them at the station and it seems he could be exposed.

Later, Lisa reveals that Mal has regained consciousness, so Kit visits him in hospital and questions him about the attack. Some news from Adam leaves Alya forcing a smile while a data breach leaves them panicking, as residents fume. George despairs over the continuing smear campaign targeting the undertakers.

Todd’s upset to see Theo with another man, leading to Glenda urging Todd to get back on the dating scene, but how will Theo react? Later on, Theo tells Todd he’s thinking of accepting a job in Belfast as it’ll be best for both of them to have a clean break. But things take a sinister turn when he drugs Todd’s drink.

EastEnders

Peter organises a surprise for Lauren, while Max soon finds himself at loggerheads with his family and leaves. With Max away, Mark offers Lauren a business proposition with the promise of luxury cars, but she has no idea of Mark’s criminal motives.

Later, Lauren gets off to a good start as she successfully sells one of Mark’s cars, but Max is suspicious about the paperwork. Soon Callum drops some news that leads to Lauren confronting Mark.

Johnny remains distant with Linda, while she’s caught in the middle when Bea clashes with Elaine. Soon, Linda is on the receiving end of some crossed words from Max. Soon Max and Linda get closer, with Max stepping in to support her, but a shocking discovery leaves Linda reeling.

Meanwhile, when Bea’s credit card application is rejected she sets one up in Honey’s name. Later in the week, Billy, Janet and Will arrive home without Honey, and Billy’s left concerned about Bea’s obsession with his family.

Jean returns to Walford, and she and Zoe put aside their differences. Sandra arrives and is asking questions about Jasmine, with Kim and Denise discovering she is the adoptive mother of Jasmine’s twin brother Josh.

It’s not long before Josh arrives. When he finds out Zoe is also there, he insists he wants nothing to do with his mum. He does seem keen to get to know his grandfather Patrick though, while he also catches Oscar’s eye.

There’s also drama when Suki finds out about Penny and Vinny’s baby news. Penny tells Suki that she and Vinny are having their baby, with or without her blessing.

Hollyoaks

Dillon tells Vicky his plan to break Lucas out of prison so they can run away together. Later, he confides in her sister Gemma that Vicky is taking weight loss injections. Meanwhile, Rex, James and Froggy form an alliance to help Lucas, who is keen to serve his time.

Also next week, Theresa offers to help Mercedes track down her mystery new man, but is shocked by his identity. Soon, Warren drives out to the woods and opens his boot to reveal Jenson tied up.

There’s a shock when Jenson claims he’s Warren’s brother, leading to Warren attacking him before heading off to find proof. While alone, Jenson suffers an asthma attack.

Diane tells Tony she is determined to make the most of her time with her family after her cancer diagnosis. When the teens bunk off from school, Ant apologises to Trina, while Kathleen-Angel upsets him before they end up sleeping together. Ste returns from his holiday, while Dom is left hurt after being tricked by the teens and Rex struggles to open up to Ste.

Home and Away

Remi notices he’s experiencing pins and needles in his hands after a recent seizure following his brain tumour diagnosis. Eden’s devastated by some news, and soon she finds out Cash has lied to her. It’s up to Remi to tell her the truth to explain everything, before he agrees to speak with a neurosurgeon.

Marilyn shares her concerns with Alf that she could have done more to stop Leah leaving, while Leah’s furious over Justin’s ultimatum. Leah ends up staying, and she and Justin reconcile.

Mali has a warning for Lacey about Holden, while Kerrie won’t stop calling Harper before she takes a damning revenge on Tane with a drugs lie. When Tane is questioned by police, he’s aware the drugs were planted by Kerrie, but can he prove it? Also next week, Dana helps Sonny settle into the rehabilitation clinic, only for him to end their relationship.

Home and Away is available to stream from 6am weekdays, with double bill episodes airing from 6pm on 5Star. Hollyoaks is available to stream on Channel 4’s streaming service now, while it also airs Mondays to Wednesdays on E4 at 7PM.

EastEnders airs Mondays to Thursdays at 7:30pm on BBC One and BBC iPlayer. Emmerdale airs weeknights at 8pm on ITV1 and ITVX.

Coronation Street airs weeknights at 8:30pm on ITV1 and ITV X. * Follow Mirror Celebs and TV on TikTok , Snapchat , Instagram , Twitter , Facebook , YouTube and Threads .

Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese said air-to-air missiles and a reconnaissance plane will be sent to region amid conflict with Iran.

Prime Minister Anthony Albanese said Australia will deploy a long-range reconnaissance aircraft and send air-to-air missiles to help countries in the Gulf region defend against Iranian attacks.

“The Iranian conflict in the Middle East began just over a week ago, and Iran’s reprisal attacks continue to escalate, already at a scale and depth we haven’t seen before. Twelve countries across the region, from Cyprus through to the Gulf, are continuing to be targeted,” Albanese said in a news conference on Tuesday.

He said the Royal Australian Air Force will send an E7A Wedgetail surveillance aircraft and supporting personnel to “protect and secure airspace above the Gulf” for the next four weeks, and help the region with its “collective self-defence”.

Australia will also send advanced medium-range air-to-air missiles to the United Arab Emirates, he said, following a phone call with UAE President Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan.

Albanese cited the 115,000 Australians living in the Middle East – among them, 24,000 in the UAE – as a major factor behind the deployment of military assets.

“Helping Australians means also helping the United Arab Emirates and other Gulf nations defend themselves against what are unprovoked attacks,” he told reporters, stressing that the deployments were for defensive purposes only.

“My government has been clear: We are not taking offensive action against Iran, and we are clear we are not deploying Australian troops on the ground in Iran,” he said.

Some 2,600 Australians have left the Middle East since last week, Albanese said, but “significant challenges” remain in helping those who want to leave but remain in the region.

The prime minister’s announcement was immediately slammed by the opposition Greens party, which said Australia risks becoming embroiled in another US-led “forever war”.

Australia joined the US-led invasions of Afghanistan and Iraq in 2001 and 2003, and lost more than 50 personnel during the conflicts, according to the Australian War Memorial.

Greens Senator Larissa Waters said she feared more Australian lives were at risk with the announced deployments, which the government, led by the Labor Party, said would be accompanied by 85 Australian personnel.

“Australians do not want to get dragged into Trump and Netanyahu’s illegal war on Iran. Labor shouldn’t be sending troops to help a military that’s killed 150 schoolchildren in a primary school bombing. That will only escalate an illegal conflict that’s already spiralling out of control, and leave Australia trapped in yet another forever war,” Waters said in a statement on Tuesday.

“Every day Trump and Netanyahu’s demands of Australia keep growing. It was refuelling US spy planes yesterday, a recon jet and missiles today, and could be ever more troops tomorrow. Labor has no red lines when it comes to appeasing Donald Trump and Benjamin Netanyahu,” she said, referring to the US president and Israeli prime minister, respectively.

Albanese said separately on Tuesday that Canberra has formally granted asylum to five members of Iran’s women’s football team, who were visiting Australia for the Asian Football Confederation Women’s Asian Cup 2026 in Queensland.

Albanese said the women had been issued with humanitarian visas and moved to a safe location with the assistance of Australian Federal Police.

“Australians have been moved by the plight of these brave women. They’re safe here, and they should feel at home here,” Albanese told reporters.

Modern wars are fought not only with weapons but with assumptions—and the most dangerous assumptions are often invisible to those making them. Donald Rumsfeld’s distinction between known unknowns (questions we recognize but cannot answer) and unknown unknowns (risks we have not even framed as questions) captures something essential about the current confrontation between the United States, Israel, and Iran.

The Nuclear Material Problem

The June 2025 12-day war struck several of Iran’s nuclear facilities but left the most consequential question unanswered: where is the material? The March 2026 campaign has struck deeper, targeting hardened and dispersed sites that June’s operations left intact. Yet the fundamental uncertainty has not resolved—it has compounded. Iran reportedly retains roughly 400 kilograms of uranium enriched to 60%, approaching weapons-grade, and the precise location of that stockpile is now more opaque than before. On March 2, the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) reported the entrance buildings of Iran’s underground Natanz enrichment plant had been bombed, but without inspection access, the agency cannot reconstruct a monitoring baseline.

The strategic paradox is acute. Any Iranian government—this one or a successor—must now confront a nuclear-armed Israel and a United States willing to strike Iranian territory twice in nine months. Under those conditions, nuclear capability looks less like a provocation and more like a rational insurance policy. The war may have permanently entrenched the very incentive it was designed to dismantle. A further risk of escaping conventional arms-control frameworks is if Iranian institutions fragment, specialized nuclear expertise disperses internationally, potentially becoming available to states or non-state actors.

Regime Change and What Follows

The war’s stated objective rests on uncertain ground. Intelligence assessments before the conflict reportedly concluded that even a large-scale assault was unlikely to produce regime collapse—yet the campaign proceeded anyway. The Iranian state has shown remarkable institutional resilience, with no visible defections among senior leadership, a government operating under its constitutional framework, and a regime that has absorbed the Iran-Iraq War, the Green Movement, and decades of sanctions.

War has accelerated the succession question around Ali Khamenei. One trajectory involves Mojtaba Khamenei, whose rise would mean dynastic continuity rather than transformation; another sees the IRGC consolidating power—equally misaligned with Western hopes. The question of what comes after was not answered before the bombs fell.

Retaliation, Major-Power Shadows, and Strategic Incoherence

Iran’s retaliation has demonstrated its asymmetric reach. The IRGC claims attacks on at least 27 bases hosting American troops across the region, alongside Israeli military facilities. Tehran appears to be pacing its response, sustaining an attrition campaign designed to exhaust interceptor stocks rather than overwhelm them in a single strike.

The major power dimensions compound this. Russia has reportedly been providing intelligence on American naval deployments; Chinese-linked entities have allegedly tracked US forces via satellite. Meanwhile, strategic incoherence in Washington compounds every other risk. Vice President J.D. Vance and Secretary of Defense Pete Hegseth have framed this as a limited campaign against nuclear infrastructure; Trump has simultaneously floated regime change on social media.

The Munitions Race

The deepest structural vulnerability may not lie on the battlefield but in the arithmetic of an industrial system never designed to fight this kind of war. The first 36 hours consumed more than 3,000 precision-guided munitions and interceptors. Joint Chiefs Chairman General Dan Caine had warned that stockpiles were already significantly depleted before the first strike. Secretary Marco Rubio subsequently acknowledged that Iran produces an estimated 100 missiles a month versus roughly six or seven high-end interceptors that American industry can manufacture in the same period.

That deficit has a history. The US likely expended 100 to 150 THAAD interceptors and 80 SM-3s supporting Israel during June’s Twelve-Day War. Those stocks were never fully replenished. The bottlenecks are physical as well as financial. Lockheed Martin’s plan to raise PAC-3 MSE production to 2,000 units per year addresses a six-to-seven-year horizon, not the current emergency.

The drone dimension adds a layer officials have been slow to acknowledge. Hegseth and Caine admitted in a closed-door briefing that Iran’s Shahed drones present a challenge US air defenses cannot fully meet. The Shahed flies low and slow—hard to detect and poorly matched to the high-end interceptors THAAD and SM-3 are optimized to defeat. Intercepting a drone can cost roughly five times what it costs to manufacture one.

This crystallizes the war’s most consequential known unknown: how much of Iran’s arsenal reflects genuine capability, and how much reflects deliberate restraint? The IDF assessed Iran possessed roughly 2,500 ballistic missiles on February 11.

The search for emergency solutions has produced one remarkable geopolitical inversion. The Pentagon has approached Ukraine about purchasing drone interceptors. They are low-cost systems Ukrainian manufacturers developed specifically to hunt Shaheds, built from years of adapting to exactly the threat now confounding American air defenses in the Gulf. The US is buying drone killers from a country it recently all but abandoned! The implications extend to the Indo-Pacific. Every interceptor fired over the Gulf of Bahrain is one fewer available in the Taiwan Strait.

The Energy Shock

The Strait of Hormuz has moved from a textbook chokepoint to a live emergency. Tanker traffic has come to a near standstill. War-risk insurance premiums have made commercial passage unviable even where it remains physically possible. At least five tankers have been struck across the Gulf, the Gulf of Oman, and nearby waters. Approximately 20 million barrels of oil per day—a fifth of global consumption—normally transit the strait, alongside roughly 20% of global LNG trade. Traders are warning that oil prices could surge past $100 a barrel if the conflict in Iran continues to escalate. Goldman Sachs Research estimates that a full one-month closure would add $15 per barrel, assuming no compensating measures like spare pipeline utilization or releases from strategic petroleum reserves. Bank of America sees tail risk far higher, estimating a prolonged shutdown could add $40–$80 per barrel above current prices.

The LNG dimension may prove more immediately damaging than oil. QatarEnergy has halted production at Ras Laffan, the world’s largest LNG facility, after Iranian drone attacks. This has already caused European natural gas futures to spike. If global LNG tightens, Europe must compete with Asian buyers on price. That competition may, in turn, force Europe back toward Russian gas, quietly reversing one of the most consequential geopolitical achievements of the post-Ukraine sanctions era.

The exposure is global and unevenly distributed. China, India, Japan, and South Korea account for roughly 75% of Hormuz crude exports and 59% of its LNG flows. South Korea has warned it could exhaust LNG reserves within nine days and has announced a 100 trillion won stabilization fund. India is pivoting toward Russian crude. These developments structurally benefit Moscow regardless of the war’s outcome.

The fertilizer dimension compounds the energy shock with a slower fuse. Nitrogen fertilizers are manufactured from natural gas; roughly a third of globally traded urea transits Hormuz. QatarEnergy’s halt removes fertilizer output simultaneously with LNG. Urea prices have already surged $60 to $80 per ton at New Orleans, with the spring planting window closing. The food-price consequences will not appear in grocery stores for months. But they are already locked in.

The Gulf Security Paradox

For decades the Gulf states managed their rivalry with Iran below the threshold of open confrontation, relying on the American security umbrella while avoiding direct entanglement. The war has collapsed that strategy. The Gulf states did not arrive at this crisis as Iran’s adversaries but rather as reluctant bystanders who had invested enormous diplomatic capital in preventing it. They gave ironclad assurances to Tehran, both before the war and up to its eve, that their territories would not serve as launchpads. That Iran responded by striking these same neighbors is a strategic miscalculation of historic proportions and a moral failure that may poison relations for a generation.

This has opened a structural debate now conducted in public. Is American military presence a protective shield or a magnet for retaliation? Citizens and analysts are asking why Gulf states should bear the risk of hosting US forces when Washington appears unable to protect them. Undoubtedly, Tehran understands this dynamic. Drone strikes on UAE-based data centers targeted Gulf publics’ confidence in the connectivity model as much as American commercial interests. The UAE and Saudi Arabia have staked their post-oil futures on projecting stability and attracting mobile capital. Intercepting most of the incoming fire is not sufficient when global firms are deciding where to invest next decade.

The crisis confronts the Gulf Cooperation Council with a strategic fork. One path leads toward deeper collective security, featuring integrated missile defense, expanded intelligence sharing, and coordinated maritime protection that could reduce dependence on any single external patron. The other leads toward renewed fragmentation as internal rivalries re-emerge.

Former Qatari prime minister Hamad bin Jassim bin Jaber Al Thani warned that the Gulf “must not be dragged into a direct confrontation with Iran,” arguing that such a clash would “deplete the resources of both sides and provide an opportunity for outside forces to control us under the pretext of helping us escape the crisis.” Yet the same crisis that could finally catalyze genuine Gulf collective security could just as easily deepen the divisions that have historically prevented it.

The Mediator’s Dilemma and the Meta-Unknown

The conflict has also damaged the diplomatic architecture that previously helped manage US-Iran tensions. Oman and Qatar built genuine credibility as intermediaries through years of patient back-channel work. Effective mediation requires neutrality. When conflict spreads into the territory of potential mediators, that credibility erodes. Iran’s decision to strike the very states whose neutrality made diplomacy possible may have burned the bridges needed to end the war—which is perhaps the most consequential unknown unknown in the entire conflict, second only to the US twice striking Iran in the span of nine months while negotiations were still ongoing.

At the deepest level lies a question no intelligence assessment can answer: whether the strategic logic of the war is coherent at all. Negotiations failed because each side demanded outcomes the other could not accept. The same incompatibility that made diplomacy impossible may make military victory equally elusive. Iran cannot surrender unconditionally without ceasing to be the Islamic Republic. And the conditions that make nuclear deterrence attractive to any Iranian government—this one or a successor—have not been removed by the strikes; they have been reinforced.

Conclusion

In sum, the US-Israeli campaign against Iran has illuminated the limits of military certainty. Known unknowns—munition shortages, asymmetric retaliation, and energy vulnerabilities—interact with unknown unknowns—nuclear dispersal, regime succession, and Gulf fragmentation—to create a conflict whose trajectory is inherently unpredictable. Rather than eliminating threats, the strikes may have entrenched incentives for nuclear retention, incentivized strategic caution, and stressed regional and global systems. The coherence of the war itself is in question, as military action and diplomacy pull in contradictory directions. Ultimately, the conflict underscores that modern warfare is as much about managing uncertainties as it is about destroying targets.

It is based on a true story but some find it difficult to watch

An award winning and 100% rated drama that ended up causing controversy at the BAFTA ceremony has just been added to Netflix.

I Swear has just been included on the streamer’s extensive library as of today (March 10). Originally released in cinemas for a limited run just last year, the title tells the true life story of John Davidson, who grew up with Tourette syndrome in 1980s Scotland.

According to the synopsis, he was diagnosed at just 15 and was targeted as ‘insane’ by his peers. The film shows how he struggled with a condition few had witnessed.

He eventually becomes a campaigner to increase public awareness and fighting for acceptance of the condition of Tourette’s as an adult. He finds his life’s purpose and accepted his MBE from the Queen in 2019.

While the film is a dramatised version of John’s life, he has appeared in documentaries before. He starred in a BBC film back in 1988 and a documentary released in 2009 called I Swear I Can’t Help It.

The biopic was welcomed with overwhelmingly positive reviews by critics upon its release. So much so that it boasts a perfect 100% rating on website Rotten Tomatoes.

However, more recently the film’s subject was attached with some controversy. While leading man Robert Aramayo picked up the BAFTA for Best Actor thanks to his performance, it was not the most talked about event of the night.

The subject of the film John Davidson was also in attendance on the night. His presence became apparent by those watching along from home at first as they heard some shouting during the show.

Actor and host of The Traitors US Alan Cumming was presenting and he asked for patience from the audience at the time. He told them during the show: “You may have noticed some strong language in the background. This can be part of how Tourette’s syndrome shows up for some people as the film explores that experience. Thanks for your understanding and helping create a respectful space for everyone.”

However, in one instance, while actors Michael B Jordan and Delroy Lindo were on the stage, a racial slur was shouted out by John and included on the BBC’s broadcast. It eventually lead to the stream of the awards ceremony being removed from the iPlayer.

In an interview after the Baftas, Davidson has said the BBC should have “worked harder to prevent anything that I said” being broadcast. He added that he shouted about 10 different offensive words during Sunday’s ceremony as a result of his tics.

Some have argued that the incident only highlights the importance of the film itself. As one person posted online: “I Swear is an audacious biopic that has no issues tackling the roots of a serious topic, and its dedication to that task does lead to some scenes that will certainly be upsetting to some viewers.”

Another added: “Robert Aramayo delivers a fearless, deeply human performance in this compassionate biopic. I Swear balances humour and heartbreak while shedding light on Tourette syndrome, reminding us how much empathy society still owes.”

While a third commented: “Honestly I left the cinema seriously thinking if I’d ever seen a better movie! It’s so perfect from the casting to the time jumps. It’s a beautiful written story that really captures the essence of what it is to be different and how hard it must be to live with Tourette’s. Several goosebumps moments with a lot of humour!”

Someone else said: “This is a fabulous film which made me laugh and cry in equal measure. It captured the difficulties and complexities of living with Tourette’s syndrome with a startling level of authenticity. The acting was superb and I came out realising that I’d seen something very special. I’ll be thinking about it for weeks.”

I Swear is streaming on Netflix.

For the latest showbiz, TV, movie and streaming news, go to the new ** Everything Gossip ** website.

Travis Kelce will return for another season with the Kansas City Chiefs, who have also agreed a deal to sign Kenneth Walker, according to reports.

Kelce, a three-time Super Bowl winner, has spent his entire NFL career with the Chiefs and the veteran tight end is out of contract after his 13th season.

But a social media post, external by New Heights, the podcast he produces with his brother Jason, said: “He’s back! Travis Kelce is back with the Chiefs for year 14.”

Kansas City hoped the 36-year-old would commit to another season and NFL Network’s Ian Rapoport reported that Kelce has turned down more lucrative offers, external from other teams to agree a one-year deal worth up to $15m (£11.2m).

After reaching five Super Bowls in six years, the Chiefs missed the play-offs last season for the first time since the 2014 campaign.

But they have given their offence another boost by moving for running back Walker, the Most Valuable Player in last season’s Super Bowl, with a three-year deal worth up to $45m (£33.5m), according to NFL Network., external

During the regular season, Walker passed 1,000 rushing yards for the second time in four years with the Seattle Seahawks, and the 25-year-old then helped fill the void after fellow running back Zach Charbonnet suffered a torn ACL in the play-offs.

Walker led the NFL for most carries (65), rushing yards (313) and rushing touchdowns (four) during the post-season, becoming the first running back to be the Super Bowl MVP since 1998.

Champions Seattle were willing to let Walker test the free agency market and he will become the first Super Bowl MVP to immediately switch to a new team since 2003.

March 9 (UPI) — The Alexander brothers on Monday were found guilty on all counts regarding their alleged years-long sex trafficking conspiracy, which may send them to prison for life.

At the end of a five-week trial, it took jurors three days to find former real estate superstars Oren and Alon Alexander, 38, who are twins, and their 39-year-old brother, Tal, guilty on ten counts of conspiracy of rape, sex trafficking, sex abuse and sexual exploitation of women and girls.

The brothers, all of whom pleaded not guilty to the charges, were portrayed by their attorneys as obnoxious and inappropriate, but that they “are not mobsters” and that prosecutors had asked jurors to “connect dots that aren’t really there,” ABC News reported.

The allegations included using drugs, money and social influence over two decades — from 2008 to 2021 — to commit their acts of abuse, The New York Times reported.

The brothers worked together, prosecutor Madison Smyser said during the trial, to lure their victims “with promises of parties and trips, and when they got there the defendants raped them,” according to NBC News.

Tal and Oren had since the early 2000s had risen to be among the highest earning real estate agents in the country, and Alon was a security executive — and all three were well-known in the New York and Miami party scenes.

During the course of the trial, which concluded last Thursday in the Southern District of New York before it was given to the jury, 11 accusers testified that one or more of the Alexander brothers had drugged, abducted and raped them.

The brothers were said to have records of some of their acts, either on social media or other types of documents, including a video of Oren Alexander adjusting a laptop camera’s angle before showing him getting into bed with an incapacitated 17-year-old girl and raping her.

In addition to their sentencing in August, Oren and Alon face criminal charges in Florida and all three of the brothers face scores of civil lawsuits connected to allegations of drugging, sexual assault or rape.

The reported idea of a special operation to seize Iran’s uranium should alarm anyone who still thinks there is a line between pressure and recklessness. Sending foreign forces into Iranian territory to capture nuclear material would be far beyond coercion. It would be war in plain sight. That risk looks even sharper when it is paired with talk of unconditional surrender and a revived maximum pressure campaign. Officials call that flexibility. In practice, it often creates confusion and a dangerous illusion of control.

Strategic Ambiguity Has Limits

Trump has long preferred threat inflation as a negotiating tool, and his administration’s National Security Presidential Memorandum on Iran makes clear that Washington wants to deny Tehran every path to a bomb. But there is a difference between pressure meant to shape diplomacy and rhetoric that drifts toward occupation logic. A raid assumes the United States can enter a sovereign state, take possession of fissile material, and leave without igniting a larger conflict. That is not strategy. It is a gamble.

A Raid Would Not Stay Small

Iran is not an isolated militia camp. It is a large state with layered security organs, missile capacity, regional partners, and a long memory of external intervention. Any attempt to seize uranium by force would expose American troops, bases, shipping lanes, diplomats, and partners to retaliation across several fronts. Even before talk of a raid, Washington and Tehran had been engaged in indirect nuclear talks in Oman. Replacing diplomacy with a ground mission would not create leverage. It would destroy what remains of a controlled bargaining space.

The Nuclear Picture Is Already Murky

The hardest fact in this debate is that the nuclear picture is already uncertain. In its February 2026 safeguards report, the IAEA said it could not verify the current status of facilities hit in June 2025. Reuters later highlighted that same report’s estimate that Iran had 440.9 kilograms enriched up to 60 percent before the strikes, while the Associated Press noted the wider stockpile had reached 9,874.9 kilograms of enriched uranium in total. Reuters also reported a cat-and-mouse hunt for missing material and confirmed that tunnel entrances at Isfahan were hit. Those facts do not make a commando operation look cleaner. They make it look less knowable.

Force Has Already Damaged Oversight

This is the contradiction hawks avoid. Military action may damage buildings, but it can also damage the inspection system needed to track what survives. The IAEA chief said that returning to Iranian sites was the top priority after the attacks because the agency had lost visibility. Reuters warned even before the war that any new Iran deal would have to address serious watchdog blind spots. Rafael Grossi had already reminded the Security Council that nuclear facilities must never be attacked and later stressed that inspectors must be allowed to do their job. Once oversight is broken, claims about perfect control become less credible.

Pressure Without Diplomacy Can Harden Iran

Advocates of seizure argue that urgency changes the rules. Their point is easy to grasp. If material has been moved, hidden, or split across sites, then delay is dangerous. But urgency cuts both ways. The less certainty there is, the more any raid grows in scope. A supposedly limited mission can quickly expand into repeated searches, broader strikes, and pressure for a longer presence. That trajectory sits uneasily with both the basic ban on the use of force in the UN Charter and the logic of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, which depends on verification and compliance, not theatrical confiscation. Reuters has also shown that the damage from earlier strikes was difficult to measure and that U.S. officials later said there was no known intelligence that Iran had moved the uranium. That uncertainty is exactly why fantasies of a clean raid should be treated with suspicion.

Containment Is Less Dramatic, but Safer

There is another reason to reject this path. Public overstatement can create policy traps. Trump has already brushed aside internal caution, including when Reuters reported that he said his own intelligence chief was wrong about Iran’s program. Tehran, for its part, has insisted through officials speaking to Reuters that it will not give up enrichment under pressure. That is not a recipe for surrender. It is a recipe for concealment and hardening. Serious policy should focus on intelligence work, restored IAEA access, sustained diplomatic pressure backed by credible penalties, and a clear effort to prevent a regional war that would leave the uranium question even murkier.

The appeal of seizure is obvious. It sounds decisive and final. But nuclear crises rarely yield to cinematic solutions. They are managed through verification, containment, bargaining, and steady pressure, not through fantasies of absolute control. If this idea is truly being weighed in Washington, it should be rejected before rhetoric turns into mission planning. A ground effort to capture uranium inside Iran would not settle the problem. It could widen the war, shatter what diplomacy still exists, and leave the world with the same material, less oversight, and far more bloodshed.