June 5 (Asia Today) — South Korean President Lee Jae-myung said Friday that the mutual repatriation of Korean War remains by South Korea and the United States is “the most compelling evidence” of an alliance forged in blood.

Lee made the remarks at Seoul Air Base in Seongnam, where South Korea and the United States held a mutual repatriation ceremony for Korean War remains. It was the first time the ceremony was held in South Korea. Previous mutual repatriation ceremonies had been held in Hawaii.

“Today’s repatriation is a meaningful milestone that deepens and strengthens the South Korea-U.S. alliance, which was built on the blood and dedication of veterans,” Lee said.

“The effort to find not only one’s own warriors but also those of an ally and return them to their families is the most compelling evidence of an alliance forged in blood,” he said.

The ceremony returned the remains of 10 South Korean service members from Hawaii to South Korea. The remains of three U.S. service members were returned to the United States.

Lee said the repatriation was a promise by both countries to remember the heroes who devoted themselves to freedom and peace, calling it “the most noble tribute to their sacrifice.”

“More than 70 years ago, we were able to defend freedom and peace because of the noble sacrifice of heroes who gave their most precious lives to protect the freedom and peace of the Republic of Korea,” Lee said.

“But there are heroes who, long after the war ended, have still not returned to their hometowns,” he said. “Returning them fully is the historical duty of those of us who survived.”

Lee said trust built through battlefield promises has sustained the U.S.-South Korea alliance for decades.

“The trust that keeps promises made on the battlefield, even after decades have passed, is the strong root that has supported the South Korea-U.S. alliance,” Lee said. “With the firm South Korea-U.S. alliance as nourishment, the Republic of Korea is writing a new history of prosperity that amazes the world.”

Lee said the two allies should continue working together for peace and mutual prosperity.

“If South Korea and the United States join hands and move unwaveringly toward the future, complete peace will take root on this land and the flower of mutual prosperity will bloom,” Lee said. “We will continue to carry forward, with future generations, the noble history of solidarity for freedom and peace.”

— Reported by Asia Today; translated by UPI

© Asia Today. Unauthorized reproduction or redistribution prohibited.

Original Korean report: https://www.asiatoday.co.kr/kn/view.php?key=20260605010001908

Hundreds of Bolivian residents are braving near-freezing temperatures to queue for affordable chicken in La Paz, due to more than a month of food shortages.

Spiked prices and protester blockades have affected access to food and medical supplies in the capital.

KHLOE Kardashian has joined her sister Kim in Monaco as she supports her boyfriend Lewis Hamilton at the Grand Prix.

The A-list sisters looked effortlessly glam as they were spotted walking through the crowds in the South of France.

Both Khloe, 40, and Kim, 45, went for plunging black tops.

The younger sister paired her outfit with comfy black capri pants, which showed off her very slender legs.

While big sis Kim revealed her tiny waist and toned pins in blue jeans.

Both siblings wore dark shades and were flanked by their entourage.

Read more on the Kardahsians

PHWOAR-MULA ONE

Kim turns heads in revealing top as she arrives on yacht to support Lewis

WAIST NOT

Kim K flogs rare items from wardrobe for huge sums – but you’ll need TINY waist

The pair were seen chatting happily as they headed towards a waiting boat.

Tomorrow, they will watch Kim’s boyfriend Lewis race in Monaco‘s Grand Prix.

The Sun revealed the couple were dating in February after they were spotted enjoying a romantic getaway in the UK.

The mum-of-four then went public with Lewis in April, when they were spotted kissing in Malibu, California.

They were seen splashing around together at the beach, looking every inch the smitten pair.

Kim and Lewis then went Instagram official as they filmed themselves taking a bike ride.

Kim, who was married to Kanye West, 48, from 2014 to 2022, said last October she could not imagine herself dating another famous man.

She told a podcast that the person “would have to be someone super- special” for her to start another relationship.

Kim explained: “I don’t know if I have the energy or whether I’ve met the right person that I would want to blend my family with.”

On whether she might date another musician or athlete, she added: “Neither. We’re going, like, lawyers and longevity scientists who would give me all their secrets.”

After splitting from Kanye, she dated comedian Pete Davidson and then NFL player Odell Beckham Jr until things fizzled out in April 2024.

While Lewis has not had a serious relationship since he split from Pussycat Dolls singer Nicole Scherzinger in 2015 after almost eight years.

Ron, a West L.A. resident, thinks he knows why former reality TV star and political newcomer Spencer Pratt won so much support in his run for mayor.

People are frustrated, frightened and angry about homelessness “and the crime associated with it,” Ron said in an email. He added that he voted for Mayor Karen Bass, but “almost everything Pratt said about the homeless resonated with me. … The homeless run wild here, without consequence.”

“Many of us support him not because we think he’s perfect,” said Kathy, “but because we are deeply dissatisfied with the direction of Los Angeles and feel that traditional politicians have not delivered the results we were promised.”

Bob, “a left-leaning Palisades resident,” said the issue is not Pratt’s lack of credentials, but the failures of incumbents. “There was a columnist … who documented in depth the situation at MacArthur Park,” Bob wrote in reference to me. “What was his name and what happened to him? Did he change his tune?”

These are all fair points, and if Pratt holds onto one of the top two spots and makes it to the Nov. 3 general election, or he’s overtaken by late-charging Councilmember Nithya Raman, we’re going to hear a lot more about homelessness in coming months.

So whether we’re looking at a Bass-Raman contest or a Bass-Pratt showdown, here are some random musings, and I’ll begin by responding to Bob’s question about whether I have changed my tune.

Not in the least.

The situation in MacArthur Park — targeted Thursday in a crackdown that involved multiple arrests — has long been a disgrace, and the same is true of many other places I’ve written about for the past quarter of a century. Last month, I visited a Hollywood neighborhood where one frustrated resident hired her housekeeper to document chronic problems related to homelessness, illegal dumping and criminal activity.

Residents have good reason to ask why they haven’t gotten better results after responding to politicians’ pleas for more money over the years.

It’s no surprise that Bass had high unfavorability ratings and why, despite leading in the primary vote count, she’ll fall far short of the 50% needed to avoid a second election phase. I still can’t believe that when I first asked her about the sad state of MacArthur Park, she told me she was fully aware, because she often drove through the area on her way to work.

Then why hadn’t she led the charge to address the problems and return the park to the community?

It shouldn’t take months, let alone years, to take back control of public spaces, and Pratt’s criticism is warranted, no doubt. And my main issue is not the hypocrisy of him saying God wants him to be mayor while calling his opponents demonic entities and villainizing homeless people he intends to shoo away to Seattle. It’s that his “fixes” demonstrate a lack of understanding.

Let me make a confession. From one angle or another, I’ve been writing about the intersection of homelessness, mental illness and addiction for a couple of decades, and I still have a lot to learn.

And on a personal note, I lost my son to a drug overdose. He had a job and wasn’t homeless, but like a lot of people who struggle with depression and other demons, he was resistant to help, and even to the idea that he needed help.

There are a lot more substance users like him, living out of public view, than there are on the street. We notice only those who don’t have the means to pay the rent or the mortgage as housing prices rise. So when Pratt says we don’t have a homelessness problem, but a drug problem, he’s missing a critical component in understanding why L.A. has tens of thousands of unsheltered people.

Pratt said on his website that his “treatment first” approach would direct resources into mental health and drug treatment care, which sounds good except that those responsibilities are primarily under county jurisdiction, not city control.

He and others have attacked harm reduction practices, such as distribution of needles and other paraphernalia. And I have to admit that it seems counterintuitive to enable further drug use. But the idea is to prevent death, engage clients and start a relationship that might lead to transformative care.

The county reports that in 2024, fentanyl-related deaths decreased by 37% and meth-related deaths by 20%. Harm reduction can be “absolutely invaluable,” addiction specialist Rick Rawson told me when I was working in MacArthur Park, but we need much more than that.

“When you have someone who becomes so incapacitated that they can’t stand up,” Rawson said, “to say that you’re just going to provide them with harm reduction and hope they don’t die, I think that falls short of the responsibility we have to each other and to the sickest people.”

I’ll add here that I firmly believe we should intervene more aggressively with people who are gravely ill, or are a threat to themselves or others. I recently profiled two San Diegans who are advocating for use of an existing law to allow for deeper evaluations and longer-term treatment plans for people with chronic drug and mental health issues.

It’s worth noting that drug and alcohol rehab is seldom a quick or surefire remedy. As for mental illness, it took me one year, along with the help of trained professionals, to convince my friend Nathaniel to seek help after he’d spent decades on the street following a diagnosis of schizophrenia.

What I’ve found over the years is that many of those living in tents and cars and alleys and parks are damaged in numerous ways.

I’m less inclined to judge people from a distance after having met a man on Skid Row who said he fell apart after his young daughter drowned. I’ve met women who are victims of domestic abuse or sexual assault. People in the grip of killer drugs like meth or fentanyl don’t think as clearly as we’d like them to, and they repeatedly sabotage their own self-interest.

To see people take over public spaces, openly sell or use drugs, lash out and scare those around them is disturbing and sometimes scary. But to say they choose to live on the street, as Pratt has, is to miss the point, to excuse our own complicity, to overlook historic policy failures, and to choose contempt over compassion.

Homelessness can cause mental illness, and mental illness can cause addiction, and vice versa. One condition alone can be difficult to address, but intertwined maladies further complicate matters.

I recently checked in with a guy I wrote about who had been addicted and homeless in Koreatown, and he said his recovery took more than half a year. He was in residential treatment for a few months, then in intensive outpatient treatment. There are no shortcuts, he said.

I’m not here to defend Bass, or Raman and the rest of the City Council, which shares responsibility for the current state of the city. Limited progress has been made in the last 3½ years, with a marginally lower number of homeless people.

But there’s a long way to go in moving people indoors and restoring a sense of order and public safety. The many needs include smarter enforcement of existing laws, faster development of low-cost interim and permanent housing, better coordination of outreach and follow-up services and more people willing to do all of this work.

Let’s hope that in the coming months we’ll get an honest conversation about what’s working, what isn’t, and how to do better.

steve.lopez@latimes.com

I WORK in travel, which basically means I spend most of my life looking at holiday prices, booking trends, destinations and deals.

Now and then, a destination suddenly appears on my radar where I think: “this place is about to have a BIG moment”.

Montenegro is that place for me right now.

A few years ago, hardly anyone in Britain was talking about it.

Now, searches for Montenegro holidays are up more than 120 per cent year-on-year, while bookings have surged by more than a whopping 500 per cent.

And after looking at the prices people are paying compared to what they’re actually getting, I completely understand why.

Because Montenegro feels like somebody merged Scandinavia and the Mediterranean, then forgot to charge Monaco prices for it – and the value genuinely shocked me.

Holiday prices in general have crept up massively over the last few years, with the average beach holiday now sitting close to £2,000 in 2026.

Montenegro, though, is still coming in around 10 per cent cheaper than that, despite looking far more premium than many destinations which charge significantly more.

I found a five-night all-inclusive stay at the 4* Carine Hotel Kumbor Superior in Herceg Novi for £288pp in October 2026.

Beachfront hotel, direct flights from Gatwick, strong reviews,
mountains dropping into the sea behind the hotel – the sort of place most people would assume costs a fortune.

Then I compared it to similar all-inclusive beachfront hotels elsewhere in Europe.

A comparable 4* all-inclusive stay at Hotel Osmine on Croatia’s Dubrovnik Riviera was coming in at £530pp for similar dates.

In Turkey, the 4* Justiniano Club Alanya was £440pp.

Portugal’s AP Adriana Beach Resort came in around £395pp, while Greece’s Tsilivi Beach Hotel sat at roughly £360pp.

And that’s the bit people haven’t really clocked yet.

Montenegro is still priced closer to budget beach destinations, despite visually feeling far closer to luxury resorts in Croatia, northern Italy or the French Riviera.

This is the easiest way I can describe Montenegro to people who’ve never been: imagine Norway, but warm.

You’ve got dramatic fjord-like bays where mountains crash straight into bright blue sea, but then layered into that are old Venetian towns, beach clubs, marinas and proper Mediterranean weather.

The Bay of Kotor, in particular, looks almost fake in places. One minute you’re driving around scenery that feels Scandinavian, the next you’re sitting eating seafood by a marina in 25-degree sunshine.

It doesn’t feel like your standard “fly and flop” beach holiday. It feels more cinematic than that.

The question I always get asked when I mention Montenegro is whether it’s easy for British tourists.

Honestly, that’s probably one of its biggest strengths.

Whenever I read reviews or speak to people who’ve been recently, the same phrases keep coming up: relaxed, calm, safe, welcoming.

And I think that matters more than ever now.

Montenegro consistently ranks as a very safe destination for tourists, and the resorts themselves feel noticeably more laid-back than some of the bigger mainstream Mediterranean hotspots.

Places like Kotor, Tivat and Herceg Novi feel more like relaxed marina towns than loud tourist machines.

You can walk around at night, eat outside by the waterfront, wander through old towns, and it all just feels very smooth and stress-free.

This is another reason I think bookings are suddenly climbing.

Montenegro stays properly warm far longer than many people realise.

If you travel in May, June or October, you can still comfortably get low-to-mid 20s temperatures while paying a fraction of peak summer prices.

That’s where the value becomes almost ridiculous.

The October deal I found at the Carine Hotel Kumbor Superior for £335pp is a perfect example of that.

In peak August, you’d expect to pay far more for that sort of scenery and hotel quality elsewhere in Europe.

But interestingly, the value isn’t just limited to shoulder season either.

I also compared two similar July deals in peak summer.

In Montenegro, I found a five-night stay at the 4* Hotel Rivijera in Petrovac for £395pp with flights and breakfast included.

Meanwhile, a comparable 4* stay at the AluaSun Costa Park in Torremolinos, Spain’s Costa del Sol, came in slightly higher at £410pp. And that’s quite telling.

Because Spain is traditionally seen as the “cheap and easy” summer holiday option for Brits.

Montenegro still somehow manages to compete with it on price, despite feeling far more undiscovered and dramatically different visually.

That long season is a huge advantage.

Whether you travel in peak July or as late as October, Montenegro seems to consistently sit in this sweet spot where the weather still feels premium, but the prices haven’t completely lost their minds yet.

It’s basically cheaper sunshine.

A lot of destinations only really work for one type of traveller. Montenegro somehow does several things at once.

You can do long weekends wandering around Kotor’s old town. You can stay in Budva if you want beaches, bars and more going on.

You can head to Becici for quieter beachfront hotels and a slower pace.

Or you can go full luxury around Porto Montenegro in Tivat, where the
Marina genuinely feels like a mini Monaco at times.

That flexibility is a huge reason I think it’s growing so quickly. It works whether you’re a couple looking for scenery, a family wanting an easy beach holiday, or someone who normally does city breaks but fancies adding sunshine into the mix.

This is the big opportunity with Montenegro right now.

It’s not overrun. It’s not absurdly expensive. It hasn’t quite hit that point where every single person you know has already been there three times.

But the growth numbers suggest that it probably won’t last forever. You can already see it happening in the data.

Searches are climbing rapidly. Bookings are exploding.

More Brits are starting to realise they can get this sort of scenery, weather and hotel quality without paying Croatia or Italy prices.

And yet somehow, deals still keep appearing that make absolutely no sense for how premium Montenegro feels.

I found a five-night stay at the highly rated D&D Apartments Tivat in Tivat for £270pp in late September 2026 with direct flights from Luton included.

Tivat is home to Porto Montenegro – the luxury marina development that genuinely feels closer to Monaco than somewhere people still think of as an “undiscovered” Balkan destination.

That’s why Montenegro feels so unusual right now. You keep finding prices that belong to mainstream beach destinations, attached to places that look considerably more expensive.

Honestly, Montenegro feels exactly like Croatia did about five years ago – before everyone caught on and the prices started creeping up.

If I were booking Montenegro tomorrow, there are probably three places I’d look at first — and interestingly, they all offer completely different types of holiday.

Budva is probably the easiest all-rounder. It’s got the broadest appeal overall – beaches, bars, restaurants, beach clubs and enough going on that you could happily spend a full week there without getting bored.

It’s probably the closest Montenegro gets to a classic Mediterranean
beach holiday destination, just with far more dramatic scenery around it.

I found a five-night stay at the 4* Hotel Moskva in Budva for £255pp in October 2026 with flights and breakfast included, which feels absurdly cheap for somewhere that looks this polished.

Then there’s Kotor, which is probably the most visually impressive place in the country.

This is the “wow” one. Think medieval old towns, mountains dropping into the bay and scenery that makes you stop every five minutes to take another photo.

For Kotor, I found a five-night stay at the 4* Splendido for £325pp with flights and breakfast included – again, in a setting that most people would probably assume costs significantly more.

And finally, there’s Becici, which I actually think might be the sweet spot for a lot of British travellers.

It’s calmer than Budva, has a really good beach, feels a little more premium overall and still gives you easy access to everything nearby.

I found a stay at the 4* Katamare Hotel for £280pp in October with flights and breakfast included, which feels like exactly the kind of deal people will look back on in a few years and wish they’d booked sooner.

Honestly, you can’t really go wrong. It just depends on whether you want beach holiday in Montenegro, a luxury Montenegro or a wow-factor Montenegro.

But whatever your choice, I completely get why more Brits are suddenly choosing it for 2026.

June 6 (UPI) — Peru will choose its next president Sunday in a runoff election between Keiko Fujimori, leader of the right-wing Popular Force party, and Roberto Sánchez, candidate of the leftist coalition Together for Peru.

Nearly 28 million Peruvians are eligible to vote for what will be the country’s ninth president in just 10 years, a figure that reflects Peru’s deep institutional crisis and political fragmentation.

Recent polls show Sánchez and Fujimori in a statistical tie, meaning the final outcome could depend on undecided voters and the share of blank ballots.

For many observers, the central question is not only who will win the presidency, but whether Peru can break the cycle of political instability that has defined the past decade.

Fujimori’s candidacy once again places Fujimorismo at the center of Peruvian politics. The daughter of former President Alberto Fujimori remains one of the country’s most influential and polarizing political figures. Sunday’s vote marks her fourth consecutive attempt to win the presidency in a runoff election.

Sánchez, meanwhile, is a far less familiar figure outside Peru. His campaign has evolved throughout the race and has sought to appeal to supporters of former President Pedro Castillo, who was removed from office in 2022 after attempting to dissolve Congress.

Fujimori maintains a strong advantage in Lima, while Sánchez dominates much of the country’s interior, particularly in the Andean regions.

The election is taking place amid growing public frustration with Peru’s political system.

Beyond the traditional divide between Fujimorismo and anti-Fujimorismo that has shaped much of Peru’s politics over the past two decades, several analysts argue that the country’s deeper problem is a broader crisis of political representation.

Luis Lira, a researcher at the International Affairs Observatory at Finis Terrae University in Chile, said Peru has become one of the clearest examples of a “democracy without parties,” where political organizations have lost their ability to channel voter demands and have been replaced by highly personalized leadership.

“The presence of two candidates viewed as strongmen demonstrates the deterioration of political parties,” Lira told UPI.

Raúl La Torre, a Peruvian academic and professor at the University of the Andes in Chile, offered a similar assessment.

According to La Torre, Peru enters the runoff burdened by a representation crisis that has deepened over the past decade. Political parties remain weak, Congress continues to suffer from low public trust and the gap between citizens and political elites continues to widen.

Carlos Escaffi, founder of consulting firm Relaxiona Internacional, said the Fujimorismo versus anti-Fujimorismo divide remains relevant, but is no longer sufficient to explain voting behavior.

Issues such as public security, informal employment, economic opportunity and growing rejection of the traditional political class now play a larger role in shaping voter preferences, he said.

“The demand for order, security and concrete solutions to everyday problems appears to be playing an increasingly important role in voters’ decisions,” Escaffi told UPI.

Analysts also point to Peru’s political structure as a factor behind its persistent instability.

Juan Jiménez, a former prime minister under President Ollanta Humala, said the country has long experienced a contentious relationship between the executive branch and Congress, marked by frequent confrontations and repeated efforts to remove presidents from office.

“In the last 10 years we have had eight presidents. On Sunday we will have the ninth,” Jiménez told UPI.

He attributed part of the crisis to the repeated use of constitutional mechanisms that allow Congress to remove presidents from office, as well as to the country’s fragmented political landscape.

Questions over whether the eventual winner will be widely accepted have become another source of concern.

Polls released in recent days suggest an extremely close race, increasing the likelihood of legal challenges or accusations from the losing side.

Jiménez said the country’s first challenge after Sunday’s vote will be ensuring that all political actors accept the result.

“It is highly foreseeable that there will be a conflict over the outcome,” he said, noting that narrow margins in previous elections have repeatedly fueled allegations of fraud.

The former prime minister also argued that problems during the first round undermined confidence in electoral authorities and could contribute to renewed disputes once the final results are announced.

Escaffi, however, urged caution regarding claims of fraud. He said there is no evidence to support allegations of a systematic effort to alter the popular vote.

“What we have seen is that the fraud narrative has become a political tool used by different sectors to mobilize their supporters or preemptively challenge the results,” he said.

Political analyst and commentator Jorge “Coco” Salazar expressed a similar view, saying either candidate could challenge the outcome if the margin is extremely narrow.

Salazar told UPI that the climate of mistrust generated during the first round has created conditions for electoral disputes to once again dominate the political debate.

Regardless of who wins, analysts agree the next president will face structural challenges that extend far beyond the campaign.

The most pressing task will be restoring governability in a country where political confrontation has become routine.

According to La Torre, that will require building minimum agreements with a fragmented Congress, strengthening weakened institutions and rebuilding public confidence.

Corruption and public security also rank among voters’ top concerns.

Lira said Peruvians increasingly demand greater transparency and accountability from the political class, while rising crime has become one of the country’s most pressing social issues.

Escaffi warned that Peru’s ability to maintain economic stability despite years of political turmoil should not be taken for granted.

Institutions such as the Central Reserve Bank of Peru and the country’s fiscal discipline have helped cushion the effects of repeated political crises, he said, but prolonged uncertainty could eventually affect investment, economic growth and job creation.

Several analysts also believe the restoration of a bicameral legislature could help counter the institutional drift behind the recent instability.

Jiménez said the return of the Senate may make it more difficult to carry out rapid presidential removals and could create greater opportunities for political deliberation.

Even so, few experts are optimistic about a quick resolution to Peru’s political troubles.

“The election offers an opportunity to begin a more stable period, but by itself it does not guarantee that outcome,” La Torre said.

For many observers, the question that will remain after Sunday’s vote is not simply who wins the presidency but whether Peru’s political system can regain the legitimacy and stability it has steadily lost over the past decade.

At New Delhi’s Jantar Mantar, India’s most famous protest strip, hundreds of mostly young people in cockroach masks and with dog-eared exam guides in hand tried to turn an online joke into a real-world force.

They call themselves the Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) – a satirical “people’s party” born barely three weeks ago after India’s chief justice reportedly likened government critics and unemployed youth to “cockroaches” and “parasites”.

What began as a parody account and meme factory has since exploded into a channel for anger over exams, jobs and a fraying sense of economic promise.

On Saturday, that digital discontent stepped off the screen. Waving India’s national flag and clutching schoolbooks, the protesters demanded the resignation of Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan after a string of exam paper leaks, technical glitches and cancelled tests.

For many, the fiasco over the NEET medical entrance exam – and reports of student suicides – symbolises a system young Indians say has no credibility left.

The CJP’s founder, 30-year-old political strategist and Boston University graduate Abhijeet Dipke, flew in from the United States to lead the rally, telling supporters that “cockroaches don’t ever fear.”

Police in riot gear and steel barricades underscored the risks of dissent in an era when large protests have often been met with crackdowns and criminal cases.

With more than 20 million followers on Instagram, CJP has already outgrown many mainstream parties online.

Its first street protest now tests whether self-deprecating memes and satire can be converted into a lasting organisation – and whether India’s anxious, hyper-connected youth can find a new political language for their frustration.

A crime drama on BBC iPlayer has been branded a “masterpiece” and a “must-watch” by fans

Fans of crime dramas have been devouring a “masterpiece” series that’s currently available on BBC iPlayer.

Television viewers are being encouraged to tune into a gripping drama centred on a respectable businessman, who attempts to outrun his family’s sinister past.

McMafia is a series created by Hossein Amini and James Watkins, who also took on directorial duties. It draws inspiration from the non-fiction book McMafia: A Journey Through the Global Criminal Underworld by journalist Misha Glenny – which has been hailed as “riveting” and “chilling”.

The drama features James Norton as Alex Godman, the British-raised son of a Russian mafia boss residing in London, whose father is desperately attempting to break free from the world of organised crime.

The official synopsis reads: “Alex Godman, the English-raised son of Russian mafia exiles, has spent his life trying to escape the shadow of their past, building his own legitimate business and forging a life with his girlfriend, Rebecca,” reports Wales Online.

“But when a murder unearths his family’s past, Alex is drawn into the criminal underworld where he must confront his values to protect those he loves.”

Alongside James Norton, the ensemble cast also includes David Strathairn, Juliet Rylance, Merab Ninidze, Aleksey Serebryakov, Maria Shukshina, David Dencik, Oshri Cohen, Sofia Lebedeva, Caio Blat, Kirill Pirogov, Nawazuddin Siddiqui, and Karel Roden.

McMafia was shot across numerous international locations, with key scenes unfolding in London, Zagreb, Split, Opatija, Mumbai, Prague, Cairo, Belgrade, Istanbul, Moscow, and Tel Aviv.

The drama debuted on BBC One in 2018, running for a single series. Crime drama enthusiasts can now delve into Alex’s perilous world, as all eight compelling episodes are available to stream free on BBC iPlayer.

McMafia currently maintains a 71% critic score on review aggregator Rotten Tomatoes, based on 38 reviews. Audiences have likewise expressed widespread acclaim for the programme on social media, with numerous viewers declaring it superior to James Norton’s other popular crime series Happy Valley.

One IMDb user penned: “One of the best series I have ever seen. Binged in one night. 100 stars.”

Another contributed: “Best show since The Night Manager. A 10+ for intrigue and suspense,” while a third stated: “Thriller of the year! An outstanding and engrossing series that grabs your attention from the start and ramps up the suspense as each episode progresses.”

Someone else remarked: “I loved McMafia. The best TV series yet. Great acting. On par with Breaking Bad,” with another individual posting: “Chilling, thrilling and re-watchable.”

A sixth audience member reinforced the sentiment, declaring: “This series is a masterpiece, and a must-watch for thriller lovers. The plot is obviously complex, but absolutely intriguing and well developed, with a large number of themes connected to the most topical reality. For me, McMafia is one of the most interesting shows I have seen in the last few years.”

McMafia is available to stream on BBC iPlayer

Still, 80,000 seats is a lot to shift and in today’s environment, only the top heavyweights, plus a handful of other stars including Saul ‘Canelo’ Alvarez and Naoya Inoue can hit such heights.

For Taylor, 39, and her team to have ambitions to command such an audience is evidence of the reverence in which she is held.

After Friday’s news conference, the Bray native and team set off on a four-day promotional tour around the island of Ireland, beginning in her home town.

It may be a farewell, but a test and not a testimonial is how Taylor wants to sign off.

The opportunity to regain the WBC portion of the light-welterweight title [which was made vacant after last year’s Serrano win] and retire undisputed is the dream.

But she has no designs on getting swept up in the emotion with undefeated Frenchwoman Flora Pili standing in her way.

The Croke Park door appeared shut when an agreement could not be reached between Hearn and stadium authorities three years ago, so what has changed?

With costs to hire the stadium “twice as much as Wembley” according to the Matchroom chairman, it was difficult to see how the impasse would be broken.

For the company there is “not a whole lot financially” to be gained, but just as the rematch between Carl Froch and George Groves at Wembley Stadium in 2014 proved a big night for Matchroom, 80,000 at Croke Park can do likewise according to Hearn.

“That a female is fighting in front of 80,000 people, I think it’s the greatest moment of our [Matchroom’s] boxing history,” he said.

“We’re not going to be making much money on the night, but this is about more than that. My dad [Barry, Matchroom founder and president] might kill me, but what does it really matter what we make on a night like this?

“What we leave with is something we’ll never forget and also it’s important for the brand of our business.”

A YouGov survey has ranked budget airlines by food quality, with results likely to surprise some UK travellers

A recent YouGov survey has revealed the worst airline food on offer, with budget carrier Ryanair topping the list for all the wrong reasons. Travel expert Mr Plane Guy weighed in on the findings, saying: “Unfortunately, not every airline hits the mark when it comes to in-flight dining.

“At the bottom of the list is Ryanair, where only 21% of passengers had good things to say about their snacks and drinks. Worse yet, just 17% found the meals satisfactory, and a staggering 50% labelled them as ‘poor’. Not far behind is Wizz Air, with just a quarter of passengers giving their snacks and drinks a thumbs-up, and 40% rating the meals as bad. easyJet also struggled, with only 35% of travellers enjoying their snacks and 29% happy with the meals.”

He went on to say: “If food is an important part of your flying experience, choosing the right airline can make all the difference! Emirates and Qatar Airways seem to be the safest bet for delicious meals, while budget carriers like Ryanair and Wizz Air might leave your stomach rumbling.”

One Ryanair passenger took to Tripadvisor to share their experience, writing: “Why is the food so bad!? We usually pack a lunch for our flight. In this case, we didn’t, and I ordered the fresh sandwich, which in this case was Turkey and Stuffing. It was truly awful and cost me 5€. I couldn’t finish it. This is not only an issue with Ryanair, but with other low-cost airlines. It must be as easy to source good food as bad. I really don’t understand it.”

Not everyone agrees, however, with some passengers saying Ryanair’s food is acceptable. One traveller recommended the vegan lasagna: “As a vegan, I massively appreciate the vegan lasagna; it’s not bad at all.” Another chimed in with: “The cheese toasties are actually ok, I’ve had it a few times.”

Worst airline food

1. Ryanair
2. Wizz Air
3. easyJet
4. TUI Airways
5. Jet2.com
6. British Airways
7. Virgin Atlantic
8. Qatar Airways
9. Emirates

The Mirror has contacted Ryanair for comment

Previous World Cup appearances: 0
Player to watch: Mousa Tamari
FIFA world ranking: 63

Jordan are appearing at the World Cup finals for the first time, with their Moroccan coach Jamal Sellami hoping that his players can emulate the heroics of The Atlas Lions four years ago.

“In big competitions, many teams can surprise. My country, Morocco, ‌reached the semifinals in the last World Cup,” the Reuters news agency quoted him as saying during a training camp in Antalya, Turkiye, in late March.

“That gives us belief.”

While a run to the semifinals might be a little bit optimistic, Jordan are coming into the tournament on a good run of form.

The Middle East nation reached the final of the 2023 Asian Cup, losing to hosts Qatar, and also played Morocco in the final of the 2025 Arab Cup, agonisingly falling short in a 3-2 defeat after extra time.

Jordan also scored 32 goals in World Cup qualifying, marking their highest tally in a single qualification campaign. But eight of those goals were scored by Yazan Alnemat, who will miss this summer’s tournament due to injury.

Sellami takes Jordan into the big time

The Al-Nashama, or the “noble ones”, have developed into a significant force in Arab football since Sellami took over as coach in June 2024 and built on the work of his predecessor, compatriot Hussein Ammouta.

Sellami believes the team he has built can deliver a shock similar to Algeria beating Germany in 1982, Cameroon stunning reigning champions Argentina in 1990, and Senegal repeating the feat against holders France in 2002.

“These results open horizons of hope and ambition for the fans, so they can dream,” Sellami, who played for Morocco at the 1998 World Cup, told Arabic sports channel TFK.

“And we too have the right to dream and to strive to be a strong team and present ourselves well,” he added.

The 55-year-old former midfielder has built a well-structured, disciplined team that utilises their wealth of creative forward talent to hit opponents on the break with lightning-quick transitions.

Star striker misses out

While Jordan’s qualifying campaign gives them plenty of hope for this summer’s tournament, their team in North America will be missing a big part of what made them such a force in Asian qualifying.

Forward Yazan Alnemat contributed eight goals, but will miss the World Cup finals after suffering an ACL injury in the Arab Cup quarterfinals last December.

“Yazan is a player who cannot be replaced,” conceded Sellami. “But we will find a combination for the team that can still be dangerous to the opponent, and that also gives us balance in our defensive performance.”

Alnemat’s likely replacement, Ali Olwan, has recovered from an Achilles injury sufficiently to take his place in Sellami’s extended squad. He contributed nine goals in qualifying, highlighting Jordan’s depth in attacking options.

‘Jordan’s Messi’ hopes to shine

Captain Mousa Tamari is one of Jordan’s biggest attacking threats and will be looking to torment defenders on the right wing.

The 28-year-old Rennes midfielder is the only Jordan player who competes in one of Europe’s top five leagues and has enjoyed a strong season in France, scoring seven goals and grabbing 11 assists in 36 appearances for the Ligue 1 outfit.

He’s also been a key player at international level, scoring 23 goals in 76 appearances for the Jordan national team.

If Jordan are to upset the odd’s at this summer’s World Cup, they will need to rely heavily on the man known as “Jordan’s Messi”.

How does Jordan’s group look?

Defending champions Argentina provide formidable opposition in Jordan’s final game in Group J, with the real Messi squaring up against his Jordanian counterpart.

Sellami’s side will face Austria in their opening match in San Francisco, with the European nation making their first appearance at the World Cup since 1998.

Jordan are the lowest-ranked team in their group, but perhaps their best opportunity of success will come against the second-lowest-ranked side, Algeria.

The African side recorded eight wins in World Cup qualifying and will look to Riyad Mahrez to provide goals and assists.

Jordan’s group stage match dates and kickoff times:

⚽ June 16: Austria v Jordan (San Francisco Bay Area, US), 9pm (04:00 GMT on June 17).

⚽ June 22: Jordan v Algeria (San Francisco Bay Area, US), 8pm (03:00 GMT on June 23).

⚽ June 27: Jordan v Argentina (Dallas, Texas, US), 9pm (02:00 GMT on June 28).

Al Jazeera’s prediction:

A fight for third in their group, but ultimately, qualification for the knockouts may be a stretch for Jordan.

Full squad

Goalkeepers: Yazeed Abulaila (Al-Hussein), Abdullah al-Fakhouri (Al-Wehdat), Noor Bani Attiah (Al-Faisaly).

Defenders: Abdallah Nasib (Al-Zawraa), Ehsan Haddad, Saed al-Rosan, Saleem Obaid (Al-Hussein), Yazan al-Arab (FC Seoul), Mohammad Abualnadi (Selangor), Husam Abu Dahab, Anas Banawi (Al-Faisaly), Mohannad Abu Taha (Al-Quwa Al-Jawiya), Mohammad Abu Hasheesh (Al-Karma).

Midfielders: Noor Al-Rawabdeh (Selangor), Nizar al-Rashdan (Qatar), Ibrahim Saadeh (Al-Karma), Rajaei Ayed, Mahmoud Al-Mardi (Al-Hussein), Amer Jamous (Al-Zawraa), Mohammad al-Dawoud (Al-Wehdat).

Forwards: Mousa Tamari (Rennes), Odeh al-Fakhouri (Pyramids), Mohammad Abu Zrayq (Raja Casablanca), Ali Azaizeh (Al-Shabab), Ibrahim Sabra (Lokomotiva Zagreb), Ali Olwan (Al-Sailiya).

Since the public launch of large-language models like ChatGPT and OpenAI in 2020, Artificial Intelligence (AI) is gaining ground across a variety of private and public areas,  the prospect of not only facilitating mundane tasks but also revolutionising labor markets, research, medicine and militaries.  

The gilded age of AI

But as the presence of AI is becoming an increasingly normalized part of everyday life, from summarizing texts, fact-checking a statement or composing an email, it is easy to overlook the more nefarious purposes of surveillance, discrimination and persecution for which AI can be used at the state level. This is an increasingly pertinent issue, with the surge of state-based AI surveillance—such as ’safe cities,’ facial recognition, and smart policing—since 2018, extending to at least 75 of the 175 countries with available data. While this trend is present on all continents, there are regional disparities in application, with AI surveillance present in almost 70% of the surveyed African states, over 50% of South East Asian states, and just under 40% of European countries use AI for surveillance. Thus, AI surveillance is not limited to authoritarian states; according to one report, 51% of liberal democracies use AI for surveillance purposes. How, then, is AI being used for surveillance in China, the Middle East, US, and Europe? 

China—a spearhead for surveillance

China dominates the AI surveillance sector, with companies like ZTE and Huawei present in over 63 countries, vastly outnumbering the US. This presence is especially noticeable in Africa and Asia, where the use of Chinese surveillance technology correlates closely with  participation in the cross-continental Chinese Belt and Road Initiative. In particular, China has been exporting its ‘safe city’ model, which has already been domestically implemented in cities like Beijing as part of its social credit system, to Saudi Arabia, Uganda, and Thailand as well as European cities like Valenciennes, which in 2017 was gifted safe city technology by Huawei. This model connects an extensive network of facial recognition cameras and police body cameras into intelligent command centers using algorithms to predict crime.

Individual freedom versus national security

While states are justifying these measures by reference to crime reduction and national security, organisations are warning about the implications of AI surveillance for privacy, systemic discrimination civil rights and democratic freedoms as AI allows for cost efficient surveillance at an unprecedented spatial and temporal scale. For example, China has domestically implemented large scale AI surveillance encompassing over 600 million cameras, coupled with large language models for minority languages to sharpen its surveillance of the communication of its Tibetan, Uyghur, Korean, and Mongolian minorities. In the Xinjiang province, the Chinese state has created an Integrated Joint Operations Platform, which employs an extensive network of CCTV cameras, facial recognition devices, and or WiFi surveillance devices to suppress political dissent among the province’s Uyghur minority. Such Chinese technology has reportedly also been exported to Saudi Arabia and Iran for similar purposes of suppressing political dissent, and to enhance the precision of drone air strikes in Ukraine and the Middle East.

AI surveillance beyond autocracies

However, the West is not immune to these developments. The US government recently found itself in a legal dispute with AI company Anthropic after the company refused to allow the government to use its ground breaking AI model Claude for domestic surveillance without built-in restraints. The US government claimed that this jeopardised national security by preventing the state from identifying espionage. In addition, US President Trump has issued various executive orders to increase the adoption of AI by federal agencies over state regulations. Indeed, the US already uses surveillance technology deployed by Israel on the occupied West Bank, to stem migration on the Mexican border. Moreover, the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) admitted in March 2026 that federal agencies are buying personal data from data brokers, including location data collected by private companies, in order to track citizens.

Europe: between security, migration and regulation

Meanwhile, the European Union (EU) is exploring Automated Border Crossing technologies. The intelligent system iBorderCtrl is currently being piloted in Greece, Hungary and Latvia  applies AI lie detectors to immigrants, with immigrants found lying being automatically detained for further questioning. This system has been criticised by human rights activists and academics as a scientifically weak and potentially discriminatory practice. Thus, even though AI is more regulated in Europe than elsewhere in the world, with the EU AI Act of 2024 restricting large scale usage from sensitive areas through, the risk of questionable AI use in the name of national security remains salient.

Indeed, several member states are stretching the AI Act’s limitations on large-scale surveillance. For example, Luxembourg has since 2025 pursued plans of expanding its use of Trojan spyware from state security and terrorist threats to encompass a broader range of crimes, such as child exploitation, currency counterfeiting and human trafficking. Similarly, the government of Ireland is seeking to expand the powers of the police and Defense Forces to intercept conversations on encrypted platforms like WhatsApp, and iMessage, and other social media platforms. Meanwhile, the Czech Republic was forced to end its use of facial recognition at Prague Airport after six months as it was found to violate the EU AI Act. Likewise, Hungary authorized the police to use real-time facial recognition to identify participants in LGBTQ+ parades in April last year, in violation of the AI Act.

Digital emancipation or authoritarianism?

Thus, it appears that national and international regulation has been lagging behind the rapid tech innovation of recent years. As with any innovation, AI is a neutral tool—but it can be used in ways good or bad depending on the decisions of power-holders. Thus, the application of AI calls for increased scrutiny, accountability and implementation to safeguard the benefits and prospects of improvement it holds out from being hijacked by nefarious purposes undermining democracy and human rights.

This is a “natural” part of being a woman, he said

A doctor has revealed why women start to put on belly fat as they age, stating it’s a “normal” part of life. According to the expert, women can expect to see their weight fluctuate when they get older.

In a clip from his podcast No Appointment Necessary, shared to his Instagram page, Dr Amir Khan issued some reassurance about weight before and after the menopause. He explained how fat is distributed on the body differently as a result of this hormonal change.

Menopause is a natural life stage that typically affects women between the ages of 45 and 55. It happens when hormone levels in the body drop to a point where periods cease completely.

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As a consequence of these hormonal shifts, the body can experience a broad range of symptoms that can impact both physical and mental health. These include hot flushes, mood swings, and brain fog.

However, it can also affect how your body stores fat. On the podcast, his co-host Cheery Healey said: “Lots of women find that when they go through perimenopause and menopause, they gain weight.”

Dr Amir responded: “So, before the menopause, fat distribution in women is usually around the hips, thighs, and buttock area. And that fat distribution is completely normal and healthy and women should have fat there, you don’t want to lose it.”

He explained why. “It’s really good for your fertility,” he said.

“It’s really good for your overall health. It is expected and needed.”

But after menopause, you might notice that you are more prone to weight gain around the tummy. Dr Amir continued: “After the menopause, as the hormones shift, things change.

“And that fat usually deposits around the tummy area and the hips as well and so people can refer to it as a ‘meno belly’. It’s not really a great term but it is just the shift of weight, really.”

He added: “Normal, natural, not the end of the world, part of being a woman, an adult woman.” His advice is supported by the NHS website, which says: “Weight gain during perimenopause and menopause is common.

“It often happens around the stomach and upper body.”

Other symptoms of menopause

The other symptoms of menopause, as listed by the NHS, include:

• Changes to your periods
• Hot flushes and night sweats
• Sleep problems
• Mood changes, poor memory and brain fog
• Vaginal problems such as dryness, a burning feeling, irritation or itching in and around the vagina
• UTIs (urinary tract infections)
• A faster, slower or more noticeable heartbeat (palpitations)
• Weakening bones (loss of bone density), which can lead to osteoporosis
• Feeling the need to pee more or not being able to control when you pee (urinary incontinence)
• Headaches and migraines that are worse than usual
• Muscle aches and joint pains
• Hair thinning or hair loss
• Skin changes, including dry and itchy skin
• Reduced sex drive (loss of libido)
• Sensitive teeth, painful gums or other mouth problems

The health body says you should contact your GP if:

• You think you have symptoms of menopause or perimenopause and want to know what your options are
• You have symptoms like a fast heartbeat (palpitations)
• You still have periods but your bleeding pattern has changed and you’re bleeding more, not less, than before
• You have not had a period for 12 months or more, and you have any vaginal bleeding

The most commonly prescribed treatment for menopause symptoms is hormone replacement therapy (HRT).

Mayor Karen Bass ran the table in South Los Angeles, Spencer Pratt found strong support from his Westside base, and Nithya Raman racked up votes in Echo Park and other neighborhoods with a concentration of renters, according to a Times analysis of partial precinct-level results from this week’s primary election.

The Times analysis, based on an estimated 62% of the ballots counted so far, found that Pratt was favored in many of the same neighborhoods that voted for mayoral candidate Rick Caruso in 2022, while Raman made inroads in progressive areas dominated by Bass four years ago.

Bass found support in neighborhoods along much of the Harbor and Santa Monica freeway corridors, along with central San Fernando Valley communities from Van Nuys to Arleta.

With much of the vote left to be counted, a map prepared by The Times showing how neighborhoods voted represents a snapshot of an election still very much underway. Bass garnered enough votes on election night to qualify for a Nov. 3 runoff, the Associated Press determined, but votes are still being tallied and it’s not yet clear if she will face Pratt or Raman.

Early returns show Pratt with a significant lead over Raman, but some analysts expect the remaining ballots to lean Democratic, as many left-of-center voters held onto their mail-in ballots until the last minute as they waited to choose between Democratic gubernatorial candidates.

Not surprisingly, Pratt did well in the Pacific Palisades, where his home burned down in the 2025 fire, garnering 60% in one precinct. The next closest candidate there was Adam Miller at 14%.

A registered Republican, Pratt also led in many of the more conservative neighborhoods that were dominated in the 2022 mayoral primary by Caruso, a former Republican who switched to being a Democrat before running for mayor. Pratt was ahead in much of the Westside and the West Valley, the analysis found, including much of Woodland Hills, Encino, West Hills and Chatsworth — just like Caruso four years ago.

“The Pratt vote mirrors a tremendous amount of the Rick Caruso vote: geographically, demographically and ideologically,” said Dave Jacobson, a Democratic consultant and co-founder of J&Z Strategies.

Certain Valley neighborhoods that supported Caruso didn’t go to Pratt, though, as Bass made inroads in areas including Northridge and North Hills, extending her support farther west into the Valley than she did in her last primary.

At the same time, Pratt appeared poised to win some neighborhoods that Bass carried in 2022. He was leading in Studio City and Hancock Park, according to the preliminary returns in areas where Bass led Caruso after the primary.

Bass’ stronghold in South L.A.

Bass’ support eroded to some extent since 2022, when she secured 43% of the vote in the primary against Caruso, then-Councilmember Kevin de Leon and leftist Gina Viola, the analysis based on partial returns shows. Even so, Bass outperformed her 2022 primary results in many areas south of the Santa Monica Freeway, though the precincts are slightly different than they were four years ago, making direct comparisons difficult.

In one precinct in Gramercy Park, Bass picked up 82% of the vote so far — up from a similar precinct where she won about 75% of the vote in 2022. Part of Bass’ dominance in the area could have to do with the fact that Pratt and Raman didn’t perform as well as Caruso did in many of these South L.A. neighborhoods.

Still, in some parts of the neighborhood, Bass underperformed 2022, though she still won more than half the vote.

In a Baldwin Hills neighborhood precinct where she won 77% of the vote last time, Bass was down to about 64% this year so far, as Raman took 20% of the precinct and Pratt had 9%. In 2022, Caruso won less than 13% of the area.

Bill Carrick, a longtime Democratic consultant, said it was unsurprising to see Bass’ support continue to be strong in South L.A.

“She’s been in the community there, lived there a long time and represented them in various capacities,” he said. “She’s a pretty well-known figure. She’s tied into all the networks.”

The Raman factor

The partial election returns show Raman leading the pack in precincts known for their progressive politics, particularly those with younger people in renter-heavy neighborhoods stretching from Hollywood to Highland Park.

Every neighborhood that Raman won was taken by Bass during the primary in 2022, though Viola, a leftist candidate that year, also did well in these precincts compared with other parts of the city.

On the Westside, Raman found few spots to lead, taking Sawtelle and Palms by fairly narrow margins, although those margins could possibly increase as more votes are counted.

She also dominated the Westwood precinct that includes UCLA, winning 56% of the vote in one precinct, compared with Bass’ 19% and Pratt’s 10%. And in a Los Feliz precinct in her council district, Raman so far has 58% of the vote, far ahead of Bass and Pratt.

Still, as of Wednesday, Raman was trailing in 54 of the 66 precincts in her own council district.

Zachary Donnini, a data expert with the nonpartisan group VoteHub, said he expects to see Raman’s numbers rise as the county continues to count late-arriving mail-in ballots, which he says tend to skew younger and more Democratic — which is Raman’s base.

“All the areas that are good for Pratt are going to become less good for him, and all areas that look less good for Raman are going to look better for her,” Donnini said.

Too close to call

Across the city, certain battleground precincts were so tight that no single candidate had a lead as of Wednesday’s count, on which The Times’ analysis was based.

In two adjacent Koreatown precincts, Bass and Raman were tied, with 117 votes in one and 187 votes in another, with Pratt trailing not far behind in both.

Bass and Raman also split a downtown Los Angeles precinct with 199 votes each, though Raman carried much of the rest of downtown, which Bass won in 2022.

In the Valley, it was Bass and Pratt who split precincts. In one Sun Valley precinct, the two each took 151 votes compared with Raman’s 80. They also tied in an Encino precinct.

Teenage batting sensation Vaibhav Sooryavanshi has received his first international call-up by making the India T20 squad to tour England and Ireland.

If he plays, the 15-year-old would break Sachin Tendulkar’s record as the youngest man to play for India. Tendulkar was 16 years and 205 days when he played a one-day international against Pakistan in 1989.

The call-up comes on the back of Sooryavanshi ‘s stunning Indian Premier League campaign, where he scored 776 runs in 16 innings at a strike rate of 237.30 for the Rajasthan Royals.

The left-hander was named the IPL’s Most Valuable Player and also picked up the emerging player award and the Orange Cap, given to the highest run-scorer.

He also scored 175 in February as India beat England in the final of the Under-19 World Cup.

“We’ve seen what he can do, almost single-handedly carrying Rajasthan Royals towards the play-offs,” said selection panel chairman Ajit Agarkar.

“He had a great start and backed it up in a competition that is as competitive and high-pressure. He’s a game-changer. We’ve got high hopes of him. He has picked himself.”

India play two matches in Ireland later this month, then five T20s in England in July.

Meanwhile, Shreyas Iyer has been named as the new captain, replacing Suryakumar Yadav, who has been dropped from the squad.

Suryakumar led India to victory at the T20 World Cup in March but the 35-year-old struggled with the bat at the tournament and at the recent IPL.

“It’s a tough one, having just won the World Cup, but as happens after most World Cups, you try to reassess what your best way forward is,” Agarkar said explaining Yadav’s omission.

“We thought this was the best way forward.”

Shreyas has not played a T20 international since 2023 but he led the Kolkata Knight Riders to the IPL title in 2024 and captained Punjab Kings to a runners-up finish in 2025.

Fast bowler Jasprit Bumrah and all-rounder Hardik Pandya have been rested, with uncapped fast bowler Prince Yadav called up.

Full squad

Shreyas Iyer (captain), Abhishek Sharma, Sanju Samson, Ishan Kishan, Shivam Dube, Tilak Varma, Nitish Reddy, Axar Patel, Washington Sundar, Varun Chakravarthy, Mohammed Siraj, Arshdeep Singh, Prince Yadav, Vaibhav Sooryavanshi

CJP organisers rally supporters to demand the resignation of Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan.

Hundreds of supporters of the Cockroach Janta Party (Cockroach People’s Party, or CJP), a satirical social media movement in India, have gathered in New Delhi after weeks of grabbing news headlines.

The party, a play on Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Hindu-nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), has attracted millions of online followers and widespread support among young Indians.

On Saturday, hundreds gathered in New Delhi’s protest zone near parliament, with some participants wearing cockroach masks.

Last month, India’s Chief Justice Surya Kant likened young people who criticised the government to “cockroaches” and “parasites” during a court hearing.

Kant later said his comments were taken out of context. But Abhijeet Dipke, a political communications strategist and Boston University student, used the insult as inspiration for a parody political party.

Within a week of launching a website and social media accounts, CJP’s Instagram page soared and by Saturday had amassed more than 22.2 million followers, with the slogan: “A political front for the youth, by the youth, for the youth.”

For Saturday’s march, CJP organisers rallied supporters to demand the resignation of Education Minister Dharmendra Pradhan, after an exam irregularity controversy in May that quickly transformed into frustration over India’s education system and limited job opportunities.

CJP supporters chanted slogans including: “Cockroaches are coming, Dharmendra Pradhan is going!”

Organisers of the march encouraged participants to bring India’s national flag and a book, which they said symbolised the right to education and equal opportunity for all. They also urged demonstrators to remain peaceful and avoid any confrontations with police.

Ahead of the protest, Indian police tightened security at the airport and the Jantar Mantar protest site, setting up steel barricades at key points.

The group’s rise echoes a similar trend across South Asia, where youth movements born out of social media have been crucial in antigovernment protests, particularly in Sri Lanka, Bangladesh and Nepal.

With the cockroach now a symbol of endurance, CJP supporters have jokingly described themselves as unemployed and perpetually online.

While young people in India make up more than a quarter of the population, they face limited job opportunities, leading to rising unemployment and growing disillusionment with traditional politics.

Some supporters of Modi’s party have dismissed the CJP as nothing more than a social media gimmick. They argue that the parody party’s social media success might not translate into political street mobilisation and that its rapid rise will likely be fleeting.

When the European Union issued its latest tranche of sanctions against Israeli settler groups and their leaders, Regavim, founded in part by the country’s Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, these groups welcomed the measures as a “badge of honour.”

Another sanctioned figure, Daniella Weiss, whose movement, Nachala, has held conferences on the Gaza border to discuss plans for settlement expansion into the occupied Palestinian territory, likewise dismissed the European penalties as “ridiculous” and “banal”.

In total, the EU sanctioned four entities and three individuals associated with the settler movement, which includes high-profile characters such as Weiss, Regavim and its director, Meir Deutsch, and the Amana cooperative association, which offers logistical and financial support to settlements in the occupied West Bank.

Even government figures have been targeted in recent Western actions. Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, a son of the settler movement, was sanctioned by the United Kingdom, Canada and several other countries for his alleged role in supporting or enabling violence in the West Bank, highlighting how the settlement project has the support of the highest echelons of the Israeli state.

Overall, the nonchalant response from the targeted figures and entities suggests that none of the EU measures will do anything to stop settlement expansion or make individuals accountable for the growing wave of violence against Palestinians.

Ironically, the largely toothless measures might instead become a source of domestic prestige for their leaders, analysts say, as few would expect these hardline settler figures to spend their summers in Paris or London and thus be affected by the sanctions. Instead, a wave of terror in the occupied West Bank will likely continue, with the tacit support of the government.

Endemic violence

In the eyes of many activists and observers who spoke to Al Jazeera, the EU’s focus on group and individual “violations” falls far short of articulating the scale of the highly coordinated settler attacks or the extent to which the state and society support them.

Following the Hamas-led attack of October 2023, United Nations and human rights monitors have documented systemic lethal settler attacks in places such as the South Hebron Hills, where residents of villages like Susiya and Umm al-Khair have been killed or seriously injured in collective incursions.

In the northern West Bank, Palestinian residents of villages around Nablus and Ramallah have seen their homes, vehicles and olive groves torched during nighttime settler raids. Entire Bedouin herding communities in the Jordan Valley have also been forcibly displaced following sustained campaigns of intimidation and violence.

All of this underscores the depth and breadth of settler activity, which, according to people on the ground, has the direct support of the Israeli government.

“It’s gotten much worse since October 2023. They now have the courage to attack into the heart of densely populated Palestinian villages. I see them, they came into the heart of my village outside Ramallah, they feel safe to do so,” Tahseen Alayan, deputy director of Al-Haq, told Al Jazeera.

“If you buy a sheep, they will steal it. If you build a house, they will destroy it. If you buy a car, they will burn it.”

Examples of Israeli government complicity in these settler raids are not hard to find, and the statistics indicate collective efforts to entrench Israeli control over the West Bank, which has been occupied since 1967.

Israeli forces and settlers are accused of killing an estimated 1,168 people in the occupied West Bank since October 2023 and injuring a further 12,666 Palestinians. Another 33,000 people have been displaced, while Israel has also detained nearly 23,000 Palestinians in the West Bank during this period, many without charge.

“The violence does not happen in a vacuum,” Alayan continued. “This is an extension of the Israeli government; settlement is at the core of their identity. They are protected by the government and by the occupying services, and they freely admit it.”

A tragic incident that comes to mind is settler Yinon Levi, who allegedly shot dead Palestinian activist Awdah Hathaleen in Masafer Yatta last year. Despite the murder being captured on video, Levi nevertheless remains at large.

“Even if they are ever prosecuted, the sentences rarely reflect the severity of the crime,” Alayan said. “These people return to their homes and are seen as heroes.”

‘Entitlement and superiority’

This sense of impunity that settlers appear to be imbued with cannot be detached from the appointment to ministerial positions of leading figures or sympathisers of the settler movement – notably Ben-Gvir and Smotrich, the latter born in an illegal settlement in the occupied Golan Heights.

In a sign of state-settler cooperation to achieve direct control of the West Bank, in contravention of the Oslo Accords, Israel last year announced plans for the establishment of the E1 settlement that would link occupied East Jerusalem with its growing Maale Adumim bloc.

According to plans outlined by Smotrich, when established, this settlement would kill any hopes of the creation of a Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza and fulfil a biblical prophecy that many in the movement have been working towards.

Daniel Bar-Tal, a professor of social-political psychology from the Department of Education at Tel Aviv University, interpreted the thinking behind the settlers leading this violence across the West Bank.

“It is divine order to settle West Bank. With divine order you do not argue but achieve it in the way Yehoshua carried it 3,000 years ago when he entered the promised land,” he explained. “He achieved it with sword, so we need to do the same.”

Shai Parnes of the Israeli human rights group B’Tselem told Al Jazeera that the absence of international pressure has bolstered the alliance between the state and settler movement.

“The Israeli regime is an apartheid regime based on Jewish supremacy and institutionalised discrimination against Palestinians,” Parnes told Al Jazeera.

“Any Israeli, civilian or soldier, who harms a Palestinian receives full immunity and support from the Israeli systems, and Israel itself receives this from the international community. These facts explain the Israelis’ sense of entitlement and superiority.”

Yehouda Shenhav-Shahrabani, one of Israel’s leading sociologists, described the channelling of “Jewish supremacy” from the individual to the group, to the state, and back again, as a “closed loop”.

This, he said, fosters a sense of superiority among individuals, and when combined with a militarised society, makes violence against the native Palestinian population, who are in the way of realising this supposed biblical prophecy, almost inevitable.

“Some believe they’re in the West Bank because God said it was theirs. Others are there because they’re too poor to be anywhere else, and have been told they’re superior anyway,” he said.

“Two-thirds of the time, these same people are soldiers. They carry guns all the time. Looking on while they carry out this violence against Palestinians are other soldiers who believe almost exactly the same thing, and behind them politicians. Like I said, it’s a closed loop.”

With his smooth good looks and jetset lifestyle, half the country fell in love with coffee-loving Tony, as he set about seducing his sexy neighbour

Long before Anthony Head became an international star courtesy of Buffy the Vampire Slayer, he was already a big hit in the UK – thanks to the long-running Gold Blend adverts.

During the 80s, when TV could be a bit patchy to say the least, sometimes the ads were actually better than the programmes.

And Nescafe discovered they were onto a winner in 1987 when they cast dashing 29-year-old Anthony alongside the impossibly glamorous Sharon Maughan, who was married to Trevor Eve and three years his senior.

Their simmering will-they-won’t-they saga – always over a cup of coffee even though they behaved like a couple who’d been drinking something far stronger – had tens of millions of viewers gripped.

And the pair of them managed to keep it up for an impressive six years by which time the nation was looking forward to the next instalment in the same way we would eagerly await Dallas, Dynasty or Moonlighting. We were hooked.

It explains why, when the final ads ran in 1993, they were watched by a staggering 30 million people. Nescafe did pretty well out of it too, with sales of “sophisticated” Gold Blend, the instant coffee for posh people (if there is such a thing) rising by 50%.

Each 45-second advert, developed by McCann Erickson, would last about six months before the next one came along. It wasn’t until the 12th that the pair – called Tony and Sharon just like the actors – actually professed their love for one another.

The storyline kicked off with them as neighbours and her going round to borrow some coffee because she was having a dinner party and had run out. Viewers did not miss Tony’s raised eyebrow of appreciation as he invited her in. Soon she was popping back to tell him that he’d “saved her life” with his Gold Blend, and then came the many false starts which kept stringing us along for years.

At one point he found another man in her flat – and didn’t realise it was her brother. He hoped she’d go and meet him in New York, even telling her which hotel he was in, but she didn’t go, but then he found her Concorde tickets and wondered why she’d stood him up. She turned up one night and kissed him in the doorway but was gutted to find an old flame was already there, stealing her thunder.

Then there was the discovery that he didn’t like opera, while she didn’t like jazz. And she “loathed” modern art – which was his actual job. But they did still both like the coffee. Which eventually led to her ringing him in the middle of the night to declare: “I want to see you. Now.” Surely this was it?

Not quite. The next time he had to literally extract her from a restaurant where she was dining with a suave Italian, before telling her he loved her. Phew! We got there in the end.

It’s fair to say it was the particular chemistry between Sharon and Tony that made the couple so enticing – because twice afterwards the coffee bigwigs tried to replicate their success, and twice they failed. Louise Hunt and Mark Aiken ran for a bit before petering out in 1997 and the next pair, Simon Bendix and Neil Roberts lasted for just one solitary ad.

The magic had gone. It showed that the ad was of its moment and would probably never work again. But back then it was just what we wanted – a handsome, alpha male and a confident woman with swishy hair and earrings big enough to make Pat Butcher wince. Mad Men, eat your heart out.

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