LAS VEGAS — Retired Air Force Lt. Col. David Flippo has won the Republican primary in Nevada’s 2nd Congressional District after securing President Trump’s endorsement in the closing weeks of the campaign.

The race, which was called Wednesday, put Trump opposite Republican Nevada Gov. Joe Lombardo and retiring Rep. Mark Amodei, who both backed former state Sen. James Settelmeyer. Amodei announced he was retiring after 15 years, opening up a competitive primary for Nevada’s only Republican-held House seat.

Flippo said he will fight “relentlessly” for secure borders, American energy, tax cuts, national defense and “the America First agenda our country needs.”

“Nevada deserves a fighter, and that’s exactly what I will deliver,” he said in a statement.

Democrats had hoped for a Flippo victory, thinking it would make it easier for them to win over less partisan voters in November in the conservative-leaning district. They nominated the chief of staff to state Atty. Gen. Aaron Ford, former majority floor leader Teresa Benitez-Thompson.

“I will ensure that Nevada families have an authentic Nevadan voice fighting for their needs in Washington DC,” Benitez-Thompson said in a Wednesday morning statement.

The 2nd District race is one of several Nevada contests that will be watched closely this year. In southern Nevada’s 3rd Congressional District, Democratic Rep. Susie Lee will face Marty O’Donnell, a composer known for writing the soundtrack to the video game “Halo.”

Trump won the 3rd district in 2024 and backed O’Donnell, who thanked Trump in his victory statement.

Tuesday’s primary also set the general election contest for governor, with Ford defeating a progressive candidate in the Democratic primary and moving on to face Gov. Lombardo. The incumbent, a former Clark County sheriff, is running on his record of public safety and job creation while pledging to work on housing affordability in a second term.

Ford is tying Lombardo to Trump in placing blame for soaring prices across the state and has pledged to lower costs for families. He would be the state’s first Black governor if elected in November.

In other races for statewide offices, Republican primaries for attorney general and secretary of state included several candidates who had pushed election conspiracy theories or been skeptical of election operations. Adriana Guzmán Fralick, who has expressed concerns about voting security, won the GOP nomination for attorney general and will face Democratic state Senate Majority Leader Nicole Cannizzaro.

The Republican primary for secretary of state, the office that oversees elections, included Jim Marchant, a former state lawmaker who has said the 2020 election “ was probably stolen,” and Sharron Angle, a former state lawmaker who was part of an effort to block the certification of Nevada’s 2020 election results. Another candidate who was competitive in the race, Shirley Folkins-Roberts, is an attorney who has denied that there is widespread voting fraud in Nevada.

In the 2nd District race, Flippo said he understands issues important to the region, including mining, water rights and fuel prices. He sought to turn Settelmeyer’s long political record into a liability, pointing to votes he said did not match conservative values.

He moved to the district this election cycle after losing a race in southern Nevada in 2024. The 2nd District covers all northern Nevada. It mostly rural but includes the major battleground county of Washoe, home to Reno.

Hill writes for the Associated Press.

A manhunt is underway for at least 10 suspects in a mass shooting that left 12 people dead near Johannesburg, South Africa. The motive for the attack is not known but Al Jazeera’s Fahmida Miller reports that recent shootings have been linked to turf wars or gang violence.

The Director’s Guild of America has struck a tentative deal with the Alliance of Motion Picture and Television Producers, completing the negotiation cycle for Hollywood’s major unions.

SAG-AFTRA ratified its contract last week, the Writers Guild approved its deal back in April, and the DGA has similarly landed on a new contract, after nearly a month of negotiations. The latest deal with major film and TV studios was announced on Tuesday, but its terms have not yet been disclosed.

The Directors Guild, led by its president Christopher Nolan, reportedly entered negotiations in hopes of improving conditions to create new jobs, bulk up its health fund, and increase protections against generative AI.

“The tentative agreement will be presented to the DGA National Board for approval,” the DGA said in a statement. “Consistent with the Guild’s longstanding practice, terms of the agreement will not be released publicly until the National Board has completed its review.”

Negotiations started on May 11, and the current contract is set to expire on June 30. Once the DGA National Board approves the new contract, it will be sent to its members for a ratification vote. The union represents nearly 20,000 helmers, assistant directors, associate directors, unit production managers and stage managers.

The studios said they were pleased to have reached this latest tentative agreement with DGA.

“We appreciate the hard work and commitment of our guild partners in achieving a fair deal that helps advance a stable and successful entertainment industry,” AMPTP said in a statement.

The DGA’s tentative contract marks the last few steps of the current Hollywood union negotiation cycle. The previous one in 2023 was marked by the industry-stopping strikes from SAG-AFTRA and WGA, and the industry is still feeling the impact from them. But this year’s bargaining season was much quieter and uncontroversial. SAG-AFTRA and WGA will reconvene with the studios for bargaining in 2030, as they all signed four-year contracts.

European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen, European Council President Antonio Costa and with South Korean President Lee Jae-myung celebrated the signing of new a digital trade agreement at a ceremony in Brussels on Wednesday.

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The event marked the EU and South Korea’s 11th summit, with everything from security and defence to trade on the agenda.

“Korea is one of Europe’s closest partners in the Indo-Pacific region and on the global stage,” von der Leyen said. “In today’s uncertain world, stable and trusted partnerships like ours are more precious than ever.”

The trio released a joint statement extolling the value of the talks and committing the two sides to a firm and friendly relationship.

“We reaffirm our shared commitment to effective multilateralism, and to a stable and predictable rules-based free and fair economic order,” the statement reads.

The semiconductor factor

Both sides have an interest in diversifying their trade relationships at a time of growing tensions with both China and the US, and the EU-South Korea digital trade agreement comes more than a decade after a landmark free trade deal.

Since 2015, trade between the EU and South Korea has doubled, with goods trade reaching approximately €124.25 billion in 2025, according to figures from the European Commission.

“The European Union-Korea Free Trade Agreement remains one of the European Union’s most successful trade agreements since its entry into enforcement in 2011,” European Council António Costa said on Wednesday.

South Korea is becoming an increasingly important investor in Europe, particularly in strategic sectors such as batteries, electric vehicles and semiconductors.

For the EU, a key objective is to secure semiconductor supply chains while attracting further investment from Korean companies into Europe.

“Korea has a global leadership position in semiconductors,” an EU official said. “This is clearly an area with significant potential for cooperation that would benefit both sides.”

The digital trade agreement concluded on Wednesday is expected to complement the broader trade partnership by reducing “unnecessary barriers to digital trade” and providing greater “legal certainty” for businesses operating across the two markets, according to another EU official. It will facilitate cross-border data flows while prohibiting the mandatory transfer of source code.

The deal is also designed to establish robust online consumer protection rules, though both partners intend to maintain their respective levels of protection for personal data and privacy.

Economic security was also high on the summit agenda, with the two sides agreeing to establish a high-level dialogue on supply chain resilience.

Supply chains came under pressure last year following China’s restrictions on exports of strategic materials, including rare earths – essential for green technologies and the defence sector – as well as products linked to the chip industry, which are critical to automotive manufacturing.

Security and defence

One thing that did not get over the line was a security of information agreement, which had been touted by EU officials prior to the summit as a means of strengthening the flow of classified information between Brussels and Seoul.

“I hope that the security of information agreement will be adopted soon, so that Korea and the EU can share confidential information safely, which will allow the two sides to engage in industrial and research cooperation actively through information exchange exchange,” President Lee said on Wednesday.

The agreement would build on the Security and Defence Partnership agreement that South Korea and the EU signed in 2024. That deal was designed to facilitate cooperation in areas spanning maritime security, countering hybrid threats, fighting foreign information manipulation and interference, and more besides.

In the run-up to this week’s talks, a senior EU official said a key topic of the discussions will be nuclear non-proliferation, as North Korea continues to hold a small but concerning stockpile of nuclear-armed warheads.

North Korea (the DPRK) and Russia were considered “big questions” at the summit, the source said, with Brussels ready to share information on its support for Ukraine with Seoul.

The joint statement from the summit reiterates this, with words of condemnation directed at North Korea and other nations who enable Russia to sustain its war of aggression against Ukraine.

“We urge Russia and the DPRK to immediately cease all such activities and abide by the UN Charter and all relevant United Nations Security Council resolutions,” the statement reads.

THERE are few seaside towns in the UK that have managed to maintain their classic charm.

But if you look hard enough, there are a few old-school gems dotted around the country – and these are five of our favourites.

Broadstairs, Kent

Kent boasts so many impressive seaside towns, but Broadstairs is the one that really feels like old school England.

It has rustic fisherman’s cottages, the pretty Victoria Gardens and historic Bleak House where Charles Dickens famously wrote David Copperfield.

Unlike some of its neighbours, Broadstairs has managed to avoid big developments and has got lots of independent shops on its high street.

Morelli’s, the ice cream parlour, on The Parade, dates back to 1932.

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A spot called The Old Curiosity Shop on Harbour Street has history going back to 1588.

The building was connected to smuggling, but now is a cosy café and tea room.

When it comes to its beaches, Broadstairs has seven sandy bays in total – which generally makes it quieter as visitors are unable to descend on a single beach.

Deputy Travel Editor Kara Godfrey who is a Kent local said: “The town’s pretty high street is also a step back in time, with a quaint mix of old-school butchers and gift shops alongside modern coffee places.

Llandudno, North Wales

Llandudno, also dubbed the ‘Queen of Welsh Resorts‘ is a destination that definitely takes visitors back in time.

One holidaymaker wrote on Tripadvisor: “I’ve been coming here almost 60 years now to this unspoilt town. The promenade is a step back in time as it never changes.”

The town in the north of Wales has managed to keep its Victorian and Edwardian buildings, especially on the promenade.

The hotels along the front are painted in traditional pastel shades to keep its old-school look.

One thing that might throw off visitors is that it’s lined with palm trees.

It’s not just the style of Llandudno that makes it timeless, it’s the case for attractions too.

There’s vintage Punch and Judy shows and of course the 2,000ft long pier that first opened in 1877.

Llandudno also has a historic tramway that takes visitors up to Great Orme, a steep coastal cliff.

There are also the Llandudno Cable Car which takes passengers on a one-mile journey between Happy Valley and the Great Orme Summit.

Saltburn-by-the-Sea, North Yorkshire

Saltburn-by-the-Sea in North Yorkshire has a traditional seaside feature dating back in the 1880s that makes it feel like a time capsule.

Its water-balance cliff funicular railway is 142 years old – and the oldest in the country.

It’s right on the beach and offers rides with views of the sea up to the town.

Saltburn-by-the-Sea has an impressive Victorian iron pier extending out into the North Sea for 200 metres and opened in May 1869.

It has absolutely no arcades, it’s simply a place for quiet and great views.

Airbnb described Saltburn-by-the-Sea as a ‘coastal gem’ for anyone “craving a quiet and scenic escape.”

It said: “Saltburn-by-the-sea offers the perfect blend of serenity and intrigue with Saltburn Pier, a friendly surf school, and a unique working cliff tramway connecting the promenade to the beach.”

Another popular attraction in Saltburn-by-the-Sea is Valley Gardens which were set up in 1860.

The colourful Italian Gardens have colourful flower displays and walks through the woodlands.

Scarborough, North Yorkshire

As Scarborough is Britain’s first and oldest seaside resort – it’s a relief that it still maintained its traditional feel.

The beach promenade on the North Bay are lined with brightly-coloured and historic beach chalets, with sweeping views across South Bay.

Of the 35 chalets, two of the rows date from Edwardian times which makes them Britain’s oldest surviving beach huts.

The town is also home to Britain’s very first funicular railway which opened in 1875.

South Cliff Lift connects the Cleveland Way beside the beach to the Esplanade at the top of the cliffs.

One Sun Writer discovered that while it doesn’t quite have Old Britain prices, you can still get some bargains in Scarborough.

She said: “If you head to The Fishpan chippie that has been open since 1960, you can get takeaway kids’ portion for £2.25 and massive chip butties for £3.45 each.

Brightlingsea, Essex

It might not be the first place you think of when looking for seaside towns with a classic feel, but Brightlingsea in Essex has some classic charm to it.

Visitors have described it having an “old-fashioned seaside promenade with plenty to enjoy” and a “lovely old fashioned beach“.

Another said that it’s a “very unspoilt, family oriented, beautiful beach. Traditional town back in the 50’s.”

The high street on Brightlingsea is considered one of the ‘best kept traditional high streets’ in the East of England.

Rather than chains, it’s got lots of independent shops selling records and plants like Roots & Grooves; others like Toggs is where you can pick up women’s clothes and handbags.

There’s also the Olde Swan, which is a pub as well as a bed and breakfast, and is one of the oldest buildings in the town.

Brightlingsea also has one of the last remaining lidos in the area which dates back to the 1930s,

It has an Olympic-size outdoor pool, a heated toddler pool, sun loungers, changing rooms, and a cafe.

Scottish Rugby has imposed a 12-month ban on Alloa RFC president Alan Stewart attending matches following an after-dinner speech, described as “racist, homophobic and sexist” by some present.

Stewart has also been suspended from holding any role within the game over the same time period.

Multiple objections were made following remarks by Stewart during Musselburgh RFC’s annual dinner on 18 April and an independent disciplinary panel has upheld a misconduct complaint.

Stewart, who can appeal against the decision, has also been instructed to undergo equality, diversity and inclusion training.

Charges against Musselburgh RFC and their president were not upheld.

In April, the board of Musselburgh RFC issued an apology to those who attended, saying: “We particularly wish to recognise and acknowledge the hurt caused to our women’s team, who we are extremely proud of and to whom we are committed to providing a safe and nurturing environment.”

The club criticised the “very poor judgement of the speaker” and said he had sent a written apology.

In a statement issued at the same time, Scottish Rugby said it is “committed to equality, diversity and inclusion at every level of the game”, adding: “There is no place for discriminatory behaviour in our sport, or in wider society.”

BBC Scotland has approached Stewart and Alloa RFC for comment.

June 10 (UPI) — Maine Democrat Graham Platner secured his party’s nomination to challenge Sen. Susan Collins in November and Rep. Nancy Mace, R-S.C., failed to advance in her gubernatorial bid.

Primaries in Maine, Nevada, South Carolina and North Dakota shed some light on where voters stand heading into November’s midterms. Platner’s victory in Maine, running on a progressive platform seeking to shake up the establishment, came in spite of a series of controversies during his campaign.

Platner received nearly 75% of votes in his primary as of Tuesday. Among his main challengers was Maine Gov. Janet Mills, who suspended her campaign when pre-primary polls showed Platner with a commanding lead.

“Over the last nine months I have seen Mainers come together behind a vision to take back our power from corporations and billionaires,” Platner said Tuesday.

Democrats have targeted Collins’ seat as a key to earning a majority in the Senate.

“Over the past year, we have created a path to win a Democratic Senate majority and put a stop to the chaos and damage of the Trump administration by defeating the Republicans who enable his harmful agenda,” Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer and Sen. Kirsten Gillibrand, chair of the Democratic Senatorial Campaign Committee, wrote Tuesday. “In November, Maine voters will elect Graham Platner, and we will win a Senate majority.”

Trump’s endorsement in South Carolina’s gubernatorial race advanced to a June 23 runoff. State Lt. Gov. Pamela Evette and Attorney General Alan Wilson were the top two vote-getters on Tuesday but neither surpassed the 50% threshold. Trump endorsed Evette over Mace, who has often aligned with Trump throughout her career.

Mace was one of the few Republicans to criticize Trump and his administration over the release of files related to the investigation into convicted sex trafficker Jeffrey Epstein.

“I chose to expose the abusers of children. And apparently, I chose wrong if the goal was winning an election,” Mace posted on social media on Tuesday. “I’m at peace with that. Because when a candidate is OK with corruption and cover-ups — something is broken. That’s not a political opinion. That’s a moral emergency.”

The race for Republican Sen. Lindsey Graham‘s Senate seat in South Carolina has been set as the incumbent earned more than 50% of the vote to avoid a runoff election later this month. Graham will be challenged by Annie Andrews, a pediatrician who ran for Congress in 2022.

For the Islamic State (IS) and its West Africa Province (ISWAP), the third week of May 2026 began with a compound disaster and ended with a theology lesson. The group faced one of its most shocking moments, at least in West Africa or, more specifically, Nigeria. 

With its headquarters in Nigeria, ISWAP has been the most active wing of the Islamic State globally, claiming more attacks than any other IS province since its central operations in Iraq and Syria were largely overpowered. Following the call for its members to migrate to Africa, ISWAP has, in the past two years, temporarily overran Nigerian military installations, including at least one super camp. The group was enjoying relative success when a turning point came: one of its most important first-generation commanders was killed. 

The operation that killed Abu Bilal Al-Minuki between midnight and 4 a.m. on May 16 was described by the Nigerian military as “meticulously planned and highly complex”. It not only left the terrorist dead, but it also caused a crisis of morale that ISWAP’s propaganda machine would spend the following days trying to contain through a theological message. 

Ahmad Salkida, a leading conflict analyst who has been observing the situation since it emerged, described the killing of Al-Minuki as a “serious disruption” to the activities of ISWAP in the Lake Chad region.

Airstrikes and special forces raids followed. More people were killed, and confusion reportedly descended. The operations, according to some reports, may also have killed the likely successor to Al-Minuki, another terrorist commonly known as Ba Shuwa, opening a new and, perhaps, unplanned chapter in the insurgency.

By May 19, Nigeria’s Defence Headquarters reported that 175 ISWAP and Boko Haram militants had been killed since the joint offensive began. According to the report, at least 20 died in a single engagement. By the time Nigerian authorities stopped counting, the joint operation had become the most lethal week the group had faced in years.

The theology of a bloody week

Within that catastrophic week, the Islamic State released its Al-Naba newsletter with a pointed editorial. Although it did not mention Al-Minuki or the numerous fighters killed, the editorial retold a story of a battle that happened 14 centuries ago to boost the morale of a group in disarray.

Reports suggest there was internal suspicion, even before the death of Al-Minuki, that some fighters may have leaked information leading to his death, driven by internal discontent over the unequal treatment between foreign fighters who migrated to the ISWAP and the local fighters in Nigeria. However, the editorial tried to shift away from that and present the losses as a normal sacrifice. 

Everything in the editorial is deliberate. The piece opens on Talha ibn Ubaydullah, a companion of the Prophet Muhammad, at the Battle of Uhud. The selection is pointed in ways that any reader with a classical Islamic education would immediately recognise. 

Uhud was a near-disaster for early Muslims because of an internal division. It was a battle in which archers abandoned their positions, turning a momentary advantage into a rout that left dozens of companions dead and the Prophet himself wounded. 

What Islamic tradition preserved, and what the Al-Naba propaganda wanted to convey from that valley, however, was not only the memory of tactical failure but of individual men who placed their bodies between the Prophet and death – an important sacrifice for the existence of Islam. 

The editorial tells ISWAP fighters who have fallen into fear, confusion, or doubt after the loss of Al-Minuki and other fighters that a similar situation occurred during the Battle of Uhud. However, because the Prophet’s companions believed they were fighting for Islam, they did not see it as a problem.

In essence, the message is that they may ultimately be killed, suffer injuries, or even think they have already achieved victory and begin collecting spoils of war, only for circumstances to turn against them. Yet, regardless of whatever hardships or setbacks they face, they should not regard themselves as having lost, because they are fighting for their religion.

“Your role, O my mujahid brother, is to make your chest a sanctuary for the religion of Islam and guard it with your body,” the editorial reads. 

This is a recognisable pattern in IS editorial strategy. After senior commanders are killed, Al-Naba invokes early Islamic battles such as Badr, Uhud, and Khandaq as mirrors, casting present losses as the preconditions for eventual triumph. The rhetorical architecture is consistent and has appeared after every major command-level strike against the organisation. What changes each time is only the particular story pulled from the tradition.

In 2019, when Abubakar Al-Baghdadi, the former leader of Islamic State, died, Al-Naba compared the situation with that of early Muslims after the death of Prophet Muhammad, in which many of his companions fell into disbelief until they were calmed by the first caliph Abu Bakr As-Siddiq. Al-Naba issue 207 argued that if Islam could survive the death of the Prophet Muhammad, the Islamic State could also survive the death of Al-Baghdadi. 

The choice of Talha in the recent issue of Al-Naba, specifically after the death of Al-Minuki, adds a layer to the editorial. Talha survived Uhud and fought many more campaigns. The editorial addresses not only those who died but also those who lived through the week. The message to fighters still alive in the Lake Chad Basin, still holding ground, is legible between every sentence. 

“It is the duty of my mujahid brother to walk those same paths in defence of the religion of Islam, its honour, and its sovereignty,” the editorial says. 

The crisis of succession 

The theology in the Al-Naba editorial could steady nerves or explain deaths. It could also transform defeat into sacrifice. However, it could not answer the practical question now hanging over the movement: who would lead after Al-Minuki?

For years, ISWAP’s resilience has rested on its ability to survive leadership decapitation. Commanders and factional leaders have died, been assassinated, or removed. Yet the organisation endured because a pool of experienced first-generation figures remained available to absorb the shock. However, this time may be different.

A HumAngle analysis observed that Al-Minuki’s most likely successor was Ba Shuwa. However, he too may have been killed in the subsequent strikes; if confirmed, the movement would lose not only its most influential commander but also the man widely expected to replace him.

Al-Minuki belonged to a shrinking class of terrorists who entered the movement before the 2009 uprising transformed Boko Haram from a fringe extremist religious organisation into a regional insurgency. He embodied institutional memory, battlefield experience, and personal relationships that spanned multiple generations of fighters. 

Ba Shuwa, although younger in status within the movement, still belonged to that older ecosystem. Their simultaneous deaths would accelerate a transition that many inside ISWAP had anticipated but few expected to happen so suddenly. The names now circulating inside insurgent circles to replace Al-Minuki and Ba Shuwa show the scale of that transition.

Among the strongest contenders, as HumAngle gathered, is Abu Salem, a commander who grew up entirely within the insurgency’s wartime environment.  He reportedly combines military authority with religious credentials, a combination that carries considerable weight inside ISWAP’s hierarchy.

Another frequently mentioned figure is Bana Chingori, long regarded as a close associate of Ba Shuwa and an influential commander in his own right.

However, beneath the movement’s ideological claims lies a complex web of battalion loyalties, personal networks, ethnic affiliations, and historical rivalries. Fighters speak the language of the caliphate, but leadership legitimacy is often negotiated through social structures that long predate the insurgency itself. The question is not merely who is capable of leading, but who can command obedience across the various factions that make up the movement.

This is where the editorial in Al-Naba becomes more interesting. The Islamic State understands that leaders can be replaced. What is more difficult to replace is cohesion.

The editorial’s invocation of Uhud was not simply a sermon about perseverance. It was also an attempt to create continuity at a moment when continuity is under threat. By reminding fighters that early Muslims endured confusion after battlefield losses yet remained united, the editorial implicitly addresses the danger of fragmentation.

For nearly a decade, ISWAP distinguished itself from rival jihadist factions partly through its ability to maintain organisational discipline. While Boko Haram under Abubakar Shekau frequently splintered under pressure, ISWAP developed bureaucratic structures capable of surviving individual losses. The current transition will test those structures more severely than any succession crisis since the death of Abu Musab al-Barnawi and the removal of other senior figures from the Muhammad Yusuf generation. 

The paused migration 

Beyond the succession question lies another bigger development. ISWAP has announced that the flow of fighters migrating from Iraq and Syria to Nigeria has been effectively paused.

For years, the Islamic State’s call for migration to Africa was one of ISWAP’s most reliable sources of experienced foreign fighters. Foreign fighters who had trained and fought in the central theatre arrived in Lake Chad with tactical knowledge, ideological authority, and direct personal connections to IS central command. 

Al-Minuki himself was a product of that ecosystem. The suspension reflects the bigger issue that ISWAP is facing, in which local ISWAP members feel foreigners are given more priority in the insurgency, and they’re being relegated. This, according to some sources, was one of the reasons that opened a loophole that led to the intelligence leading to the killing of Al-Minuki. 

Al-Naba issue 550 addressed the question of migration indirectly. The editorial, titled “Africa Between Yesterday and Today”, spoke in the past tense about those who had already made the journey. “Those who came before you from Iraq walked this path,” the editorial told terrorists currently in Africa, “and they carried the weight of this religion on their shoulders.”

The joint US-Nigeria strike that killed Al-Minuki demonstrated a targeting capability that ISWAP had not previously faced at this intensity in the Lake Chad theatre. The use of American intelligence assets alongside Nigerian special forces created a surveillance environment that makes the movement of senior figures, especially those arriving from abroad,  significantly more dangerous than before. 

For IS central, sending experienced insurgents into a degraded environment risks losing irreplaceable assets to an adversary that has now demonstrated it can find and kill the most protected figures in the organisation. The pause in migration is both a strategic retreat and a rational response to changed targeting conditions.

The commanders now being discussed as replacements for Al-Minuki are men who grew up entirely inside the Nigerian insurgency. Whatever their capabilities, they appear to lack the cross-theatre experience and IS central relationships that figures as Al-Minuki carried. The migration pause has narrowed the field of who can credibly lead it.

Tomorrow marks the start of Emmy nominations voting, and we’re marking the occasion with with not one but two issues this week.which means twices as many series, and stories, to catch up with. So let’s get to it!

Cover stories

(Christina House / Los Angeles Times)

It’s rare for an awards roundtable to spark a real debate, but the thoughtful group of actors to appear on our 2026 Emmy Drama Roundtable — Katherine LaNasa (The Pitt”), Billy Magnussen (“The Audacity”), Zahn McClarnon (“Dark Winds”), Tom Pelphrey (“Task”), Michelle Pfeiffer (“The Madison”) and Karolina Wydra (“Pluribus”) — captured my attention with their layered conversation about runaway production.

Considering the economic boon Hollywood has brought to popular shooting locales like Atlanta and New Mexico, the dire consequences for the L.A. film industry and the increasing threat from production zones overseas, the group didn’t agree on one diagnosis, much less solution, to the problem. But in their conversation, these top names in the industry all showed deep concern about what such changes mean for showbiz’s shrinking middle class. “Our crew doesn’t get to go — the people that we know that we need, that we work with, that we make these things with,” as Pelphrey acknowledged. “We get to go wherever the f— we want, actors, directors, but the crew doesn’t.”

(Christina House / Los Angeles Times)

For the guests on our 2026 Emmy Limited Series/TV Movie Roundtable — which included Jamie Bell (“Half Man”), Linda Cardellini (“DTF St. Louis”), Camila Morrone (“Something Very Bad Is Going to Happen”), Michael Peña (“All Her Fault”), Andrew Rannells (“Miss You, Love You”) and Constance Zimmer (“Love Story”) — there’s no predicting which performances will resonate with viewers — or when.

The 2002 live-action adaptation of “Scooby-Doo,” in which Cardellini starred as Velma, has taken on cult status since its premiere, and enjoyed a revival of interest as a new Netflix version announced the cast. Rannells (“Girls”) and Zimmer (“Entourage”) have each seen their roles in epochal HBO comedies revisited by younger generations, who are often viewing the series through a very different lens. Peña, whose comedic flatulence on an “Eastbound & Down” blooper reel is now a viral meme, even wonders if he’ll be remembered for that over more serious fare like “Crash” and “World Trade Center.”

“Is that going to be your In Memoriam thing?” Rannells jokes.

At least Peña, laughing, takes it in stride: “Can you imagine?”

Digital cover: ‘The Boys’

(Bexx Francois / For The Times)

There’s plenty to chew on in contributor Max Gao’s digital cover story on Prime Video’s twisted superhero satire after the conclusion of five gloriously gory seasons, but my personal favorite feature may be the sidebar of memorable from key cast members. Chace Crawford’s on-set snacks of choice? Check. Jack Quaid’s surprising craftiness? Also check. Karen Fukuhara’s struggles with nausea? Ditto. If you are already missing “The Boys” and want to re-live it vicariously through some of its central figures, be sure to read the full piece, which already includes creator Eric Kripke and actors Laz Alonso and Erin Moriarty.

The mayor is in

(Ebru Yildiz/For The Times)

Speaking of double duty, Welsh actor Matthew Rhys showcases his range this season in two very different performances, last fall as a real estate scion suspected of killing his wife in Netflix’s “The Beast in Me” and right now as the put-upon mayor of a possibly cursed island town in Apple TV’s “Widow’s Bay.” One man is menacing, the other faintly absurd, but Rhys embraces the challenges of each role with aplomb — in particular, his physical comedy in the latter has gotten several big laughs out of me.

As contributor Emma Fraser reveals in her interview with Rhys, though, there is one stage direction capable of sending a chill up his spine: dance. “That still makes me shudder,” he says of a line-dancing scene in “The Americans” from 8 years ago. Let’s hope Widow’s Bay doesn’t have an underground swing dancing club.

More stories from this week’s issues

LA28 reserved the first Olympic tickets for locals. To kick off the second round of ticket sales, it’s a sponsorship connection that could help fans get to the front of the line.

Before the second Olympic ticket drop officially begins Aug. 10, LA28 announced Wednesday there will be a presale for Visa cardholders that will run from July 29-31.

Visa has sponsored the Olympics for 40 years and is the only credit card accepted for payment in Olympic zones. For a chance to be selected for the presale, fans need to first confirm their status as a Visa cardholder. Fans who have already registered can log into their existing LA28 ticket account, check the “Visa presale box” and save changes. New registrants must select the Visa cardholder option during the registration process. All ticket sales during the presale must be completed with a Visa credit card.

Fans can register for the second ticket drop at tickets.la28.org until July 22. Those who already registered for Drop 1 but weren’t selected or didn’t purchase their full 12-ticket allotment do not have to sign up again and are automatically entered into the lottery for Drop 2, which will run from Aug. 10-20.

Fans who are randomly selected for the Visa presale will be notified of their time slot on July 27. Those who aren’t selected for the presale remain eligible for a time slot in Drop 2. Email notifications for Drop 2 time slots will go out from Aug. 6-7.

The second ticket drop will offer tickets across all Olympic sports at a range of price points, LA28 said in a statement, subject to inventory availability. Prices start at $28 for individual tickets, but of the total 1 million $28 Olympic tickets, half were scooped up during the Drop 1 presale that was reserved for locals living near venue cities in Southern California and Oklahoma City.

April’s ticketing debut frustrated fans who were surprised by high prices, a 24% service fee on every ticket and limited inventory for key events. Still, LA28 sold 4 million tickets across 85 countries, a historic number that had International Olympic Committee officials giddy for the potential of the 2028 Games.

“What we thought we were going to sell, and what we thought we were going to get for people who registered for interest, we exceeded those by magnitudes,” LA28 Chief Executive Officer Reynold Hoover told The Times on June 4 after IOC members visited L.A. “We were able to set Olympic records in terms of sale, but I think the broader picture about all of that is people want to be a part of something really big and be part of something here in L.A., a part of history.”

LA28, the organizing committee behind L.A.’s first Olympics in 40 years, expects to generate $2.5 billion in ticketing and hospitality to support what has been advertised as a privately funded Games. The estimated $7.1-billion operations budget is also buoyed by $2.5 billion in expected sponsorship revenue. LA28 already has $2 billion in domestic partnership money.

The United States and Iran engaged in some of the most intense fighting overnight since all-out hostilities in the ongoing US‑Israeli war on Iran were halted with a Pakistan‑mediated temporary ceasefire on April 8.

A comprehensive peace agreement remains elusive as Iran and the US have exchanged a series of proposals and counterproposals in the weeks since that pause. After a string of smaller escalations, however, the US struck targets in Iran following the downing of a US Apache helicopter close to the Strait of Hormuz on Tuesday, and Iran retaliated by hitting US military bases in the Gulf.

The US military said it targeted communications and radar facilities. Iranian officials, however, said civilian infrastructure was also damaged, including two water reservoirs.

If correct, this is the first reported strike on civilian infrastructure in Iran in several weeks, but it comes at a time when Iran is facing a severe water shortage.

Which targets have been hit in Iran?

The US launched waves of attacks starting late on Tuesday following the downing of the helicopter in the Strait of Hormuz. The US described the attacks as “self-defence strikes” and a “proportional response to unjustified Iranian aggression”.

While an official US inquiry into what caused the helicopter to crash has yet to conclude, US President Donald Trump quickly blamed Iran, which he said had deliberately shot it down.

“I have just been informed by our Great Military that last night the Iranians shot down one of our highly sophisticated Apache Helicopters while patrolling over the Strait of Hormuz. There were two pilots involved, both are safe and uninjured,” Trump wrote on social media.

“Nevertheless, the United States must, of necessity, respond to this attack.”

Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) said US strikes, which hit targets including Sirik, Jask, Minab, Qeshm Island and the port of Bandar Abbas, had caused major damage to a telecommunications tower in the town of Sirik and destroyed two water reservoirs there.

Iran’s West Asia News Agency (WANA) news outlet reported on Wednesday, citing “available reports”, that two concrete water storage reservoirs in the Bamani district in the Sirik County of Hormozgan Province, in southern Iran, 1,012km (629 miles) from the capital, Tehran, had been hit in the US attacks.

The IRGC claimed attacks on US military bases in Bahrain, Kuwait and Jordan in retaliation.

Has the US hit Iran’s water infrastructure before?

Yes. On March 7, while missiles were flying across the region in an all-out war between Iran and the US-Israel, Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi accused the US of striking a desalination plant on Qeshm Island off the coast of Iran in the Strait of Hormuz. The strike reportedly cut off the water supply to 30 villages.

“Water supply in 30 villages has been impacted. Attacking Iran’s infrastructure is a dangerous move with grave consequences. The US set this precedent, not Iran,” Araghchi wrote in an X post.

A desalination plant converts seawater into water suitable for drinking, irrigation and industrial use. These facilities are particularly critical in areas such as the Gulf, where freshwater is scarce.

Why is this significant?

The reservoirs that were struck provide drinking water to more than 20,000 residents in the city of Kouhestak and 10 surrounding villages. WANA reported initial estimates for damages amounting to $780,000 to $830,000.

Iran was already facing a multiyear drought and decline in precipitation before the US-Israeli war on Iran started. After years of poor agricultural practices and mismanagement, Iran’s main water supplies, including its reservoirs, rivers and groundwater reserves, continued to run dry.

According to Aqueduct data from the World Resources Institute, which tracks global water risk, Iran’s baseline water stress is classified as “extremely high” – meaning the country uses more than 80 percent of its renewable water resources in a typical year.

Last year marked Iran’s fifth consecutive year of drought. In November 2025, the water crisis was so dire that Tehran’s Amir Kabir Dam only held 8 percent of its capacity, while across the country, 19 major dams had run dry.

Is this a war crime?

Isa Bozorgzadeh, spokesman for Iran’s water industry, claimed the US strike on the water reservoirs is a war crime, WANA reported.

International humanitarian law classifies water infrastructure, including drinking water installations, treatment plants and pipelines, as civilian property which is not deemed a legitimate target during war.

The Berlin Rules on Water Resources, drafted by the International Law Association (ILA) and adopted in 2004, are a set of non‑binding international legal principles about how countries should use, share and protect water.

The Berlin Rules prohibit countries at war from destroying water installations “if such actions would cause disproportionate suffering to civilians”.

Four Brazilian players and four members of their coaching staff were sent off during a dramatic encounter in Fortaleza.

Brazil were shown eight red cards during a chaotic 1-0 defeat to the United States women’s national team in a friendly in Fortaleza.

Brazilian coach Arthur Elias and three of his assistant coaches were sent off, while Bia Zaneratto and Tarciane were also dismissed. Two other players were shown red cards after the full-time whistle on Tuesday evening.

Sophia Wilson’s shot deflected off Isabela and snuck past Brazilian goalkeeper Lorena in the 63rd minute for the lone goal of the game before a crowd of more than 55,000 fans in northern Brazil. The hosts had no shots on goal, while the US had six.

Brazil manager Elias and several assistants were dismissed from the technical area during the second half.

Brazil then went down to nine in stoppage time after attacker Zaneratto was dismissed after picking up a second yellow card for pushing Emily Sonnett.

Moments later, her teammate, Tarciane, was shown a straight red for elbowing Wilson.

The chaos continued after the full-time whistle, with Brazil’s Kerolin and Ludmila both shown red cards for dissent.

It was the second of two matches in Brazil for the Americans, with the US losing 2-1 in the opener on Saturday in Sao Paulo.

Marta, a six-time FIFA World Player of the Year, was subbed into the match in the 80th minute, making her 212th appearance for Brazil.

Dudinha appeared to hurt her right knee in a collision with Sonnett in the 30th minute and was stretchered off the field in obvious pain. The 20-year-old forward, who plays for the San Diego Wave in the National Women’s Soccer League, returned to the bench in the second half on crutches.

The matches in Sao Paulo and Fortaleza were played at stadiums that will be used next June and July for the Women’s World Cup. The US will start their qualification campaign in November.

AFTER taking a break from music to focus on her acting career, Ariana Grande made a triumphant return to the stage this weekend.

She kicked off her first tour in seven years with a show in Oakland, California, in front of 20,000 fans. In August, she will play ten sold-out nights at London’s O2 Arena. But among the celebrations, she’s sparked concerns from those close to her, who have been blindsided by the news of her break-up with her Wicked co-star Ethan Slater.

In a cruel twist of fate, hours after she wrapped up that first show, news broke that she had split from Ethan after three years together.

After being burned multiple times while growing up in the spotlight,
I’m told Ariana keeps her circle so small that many in her wider team
had no idea she was single once more.

A source tells me: “Some artists have Zoom calls with their wider teams
almost weekly to keep everyone across what is happening in their lives, in case stories break.

“But with Ariana, it’s all on a need-to-know basis.

“She fully understands the interest in her life and openly channels
her personal experiences into her music and art, but at the same time,
she has no desire to give a running commentary about what goes on
off-stage.

“Her break-up with Ethan is a prime example of that.

“Many of her wider team thought they were still together until the
news broke.

“There has been no big ‘gotcha’ moment; things have simply
run their course.”

To make matters worse for the superstar, the toxic side of the
internet immediately began to speculate en masse about Ari’s body
image during her latest performance.

It is a topic she has repeatedly asked fans to drop and was so upset by previous speculation about weight loss that she felt forced to speak out online.

Posting on TikTok in 2023, Ariana said: “I just wanted to address your
concerns about my body and talk a little bit about what it means to be
paid such close attention to.

“The body that you’ve been comparing my current body to was the
unhealthiest version of my body.

“I was on a lot of antidepressants and drinking on them and eating
poorly, and at the lowest point of my life, when I looked the way you
consider me healthy.

“But that in fact wasn’t my healthy. You never know what someone is
going through, so be gentle with each other.”

Ari also used the lead single from her 2024 album to tell fans to back off.

On Yes, And? she sings: “My face is sitting, I don’t need no disguise.
Don’t comment on my body, do not reply. Your business is yours, and
mine is mine.”

She added in November 2024: “I love my fans. I love them always, but I
think they can sometimes hurt my feelings, and sometimes I don’t like
them — but I love them always.”

In my experience, Ariana has always been sweet and kind.

I met Ariana when she was attending the 2025 Baftas. That year, the glitzy bash was brimming with A-list stars, with Timothée Chalamet, Selena Gomez, Cynthia Erivo, Pamela Anderson, and Demi Moore all in attendance.

Despite arguably being the biggest name in the room, Ari seemed almost
overwhelmed by the hysteria around her and was surprisingly shy.

When I was making my way to an unplanned toilet break after enjoying one too many glasses of bubbles, I bumped into Ari being escorted to another part of the venue for official photos.

It was just her, her chaperone, and me in our part of the corridor. Being a fan, I shamelessly saw my chance and took it.

Keen not to make eye contact with her security, who I knew would
rebuff my request, I smiled at the superstar, quickly telling her how
I had supported her career for years and asked for a selfie.

Ariana immediately took pity on me, thanking me and saying “of course” to a quick snap.

Clearly on a tight schedule, her chaperone tried to move her on.

“No, no, it’s okay,” she sweetly told him, before we got into position
and posed for a few pictures.

After a brief chat about the evening ahead, where she was nominated for
Best Actress in a Supporting Role for her performance as Glinda in
Wicked, we went our separate ways.

Someone at her level could easily be cold and uninterested—believe me,
I’ve met enough stars like that over the years.

But despite a decade of torrid luck, Ariana clearly hasn’t let the industry jade her.

Ari has endured more in the last few years than most of us will in a lifetime.

In 2017, 22 people were killed and more than 1,000 were injured when her concert at the Manchester Arena was bombed in a horrific terror attack.

The following year, her former boyfriend, rapper Mac Miller, tragically died from an accidental overdose shortly after their break-up.

The singer then endured intense, highly unfair harassment from online
trolls blaming his passing on her.

While reps insist there was no overlap in either relationship, the fact that both she and Ethan were married when they first met on the set of Wicked fuelled the rumour mill once again.

As is so often the case, it was Ariana, the woman, who became the
lightning rod for abuse, while Ethan largely escaped scot-free.

The Wicked press tours were also pounced on as an opportunity for mass
speculation about her changing image.

Speaking to the Sun, fashion designer and singer Laura Marshall says:
“Often changes in body image aren’t surface-level; they are the side
effects of a deeper pain that manifests in control.

“Being questioned in this way makes it so much worse.

“Speculating doesn’t help. Judging doesn’t help. Showing kindness and compassion is the only way to handle it.”

Before her split from Ethan, Ariana had finally begun to find inner
peace and confidence once more.

Her eighth album, Petal, is set for release on July 31, penned about
finding life again after something “cold and challenging.”

Ariana explained: “Petal is something that is full of life and growing
through the cracks of something cold and hard and challenging.

“It’s definitely from a place where I have been maybe too shy or
polite to tap into before. This kind of just feels like, ‘f*** it.’

“It was about breaking up with all different kinds of negative
attachments—whether it’s my own monsters in my own head, external
voices, or things that no longer serve me.”

The lead single, Hate That I Made You Love Me, has already given Ari
her eighth UK No.1 single since 2020’s Positions.

I can’t imagine having to go on stage while navigating a break-up at
any point, let alone performing a show explicitly based on my own past
heartbreaks and traumas.

And the new show has it all.

A truly spectacular pop concert packed with hit after hit,
interspersed with thought-provoking interludes hinting at Ariana Grande’s turbulent past decade.

The production is based on her seventh album, Eternal Sunshine, which
chronicled the breakdown of her marriage to Dalton Gomez and her finding love with actor Ethan Slater.

During the opening night, she broke down in tears, seemingly overcome
with emotion at being back on stage after previously admitting she
thought she would never tour again.

I hope for Ari’s sake that spectators and fans think twice before
speculating en masse as she continues to take to stages around the
world.

After everything she’s been through, the fact that she even wants to
perform is remarkable. At the very least, she deserves kindness.

People with hidden disabilities tend to use this as a way of making others aware

Travel can be made easier for some people living with an invisible disability or health condition by wearing a ‘Sunflower Lanyard’. Hundreds of airports around the world recognise it and what it may mean for some passengers – but not every airport is the same.

The Sunflower Lanyard isn’t recognised everywhere. Although many airlines and airports around the world support it, some international airports and locations ask you to use their own specific hidden disability programs or badges to get access to special fast-track lanes, priority boarding, or customised assistance.

Employees at participating venues are trained to recognise the lanyard and offer specific help, such as using simpler language, giving you extra time to process information, or guiding you to a quieter space. But, not every part of the world will instantly recognise or understand the lanyard.

On the Hidden Disabilities Sunflower website, it says: “It’s a misconception that people living with a disability don’t want to, or can’t travel. They do and they can. Globally, one billion people live with some sort of disability, and while some experience a disability that is visible, for many it is not visible.”

The system is designed for any condition that isn’t immediately obvious to others, including conditions like neurodivergence, mental health, sensory impairments, and chronic conditions, to name a few. The lanyard does not reveal your specific medical condition or disability.

What parts of the world accept and follow the Sunflower system?

According to the Hidden Disabilities Sunflower website, hundreds of airports and airlines do recognise the lanyards. As of April 2026, the number was around 325 – but checking the specific airport’s accessibility page can give more details such as finding out if staff can provide free Sunflower lanyards and where to collect them.

Because the lanyard operates on an “opt-in” basis for businesses, an airport will not recognise it unless its staff have been explicitly trained to do so. Holiday hotspot Spain made headlines because its airport authority (Aena) rolled out its own alternative system.

Most other non-participating airports simply do not recognise the lanyard at all, instead of replacing it with a local version. Outside of a few specific exceptions (such as Singapore Changi, Tokyo Haneda, and select major airports in India), the scheme is not widely adopted or understood by security staff across Asia and Africa.

What isthesystem

The Hidden Disabilities Sunflower lanyard system is an initiative that allows people to discreetly let others know that they have a non-visible disability and may need additional support, time, or help. Wearing the bright green lanyard that features yellow sunflowers indicates to trained staff that you have a hidden condition.

Anyone who feels they have a non-visible disability can use the lanyard. You do not need to show medical records or a doctor’s letter to get or wear one.

The system is designed for any condition that isn’t immediately obvious to others, including conditions like neurodivergence, mental health, sensory impairments, and chronic conditions, to name a few. For more information, click here.

Briton Chantelle Cameron will meet American Mikaela Mayer in a light-middleweight world title unification bout in Birmingham on 29 August.

Cameron, 35, beat Michaela Kotaskova to win the vacant WBO title in April and is aiming to add Mayer’s WBC and WBA belts to her collection.

Fellow Briton Caroline Dubois is also on the all-female Most Valuable Promotions card at BP Pulse, when she defends her WBC and WBO lightweight belts against American Amelia Moore.

Northampton fighter Cameron has 22 wins from 23 fights as a professional, including a victory over Ireland’s Katie Taylor in 2023.

“I’ve always said I want the biggest fights in women’s boxing, and there isn’t a bigger fight right now than me against Mikaela Mayer,” Cameron said.

“We’re both top-five pound-for-pound fighters, we’re both world champions, and we’re both coming to win.”

Mayer, 35, last fought in October when beating Mary Spencer and has a record of 22 wins in 24 bouts.

Dubois, 25, is yet to lose in 14 fights – winning 13 and drawing one – and has picked up five stoppage victories along the way.

The Londoner put on a classy performance to become a unified lightweight champion when beating fellow Briton Terri Harper on points in April.

“I am looking forward to representing the UK on this card and defending my unified title,” Dubois said.

“The goal is to fight for more belts at the end of the year so I need to focus and take care of business with a big win in Birmingham.”

Moore, 36, will be aiming to pull off a major upset in just her fifth fight as a professional.

June 10 (UPI) — Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum cast doubt whether she will attend the 2026 World Cup Fan Fest on Thursday because of demonstrations by teachers from the National Coordinator of Education Workers.

During her press conference Tuesday, the president said her being there would depend on “how what is happening with the teachers and some other groups develops, because I obviously have to pay attention to that.”

The highly anticipated World Cup opening ceremony in Mexico City and the game between Mexico and South Africa, are scheduled at 1:30 p.n. local time at Banorte Stadium, renamed from Azteca Stadium for the tournament.

The event will be held as social protests seek to capitalize on the tournament’s international attention to publicize demands related to human rights, pensions, public services and labor conditions.

Among the most visible movements those formed by teachers from the National Coordinator of Education Workers, who have maintained a protest camp for weeks in Mexico City’s Zócalo. They have erected blockades at different locations to demand repeal of reforms to the pension system for state employees and salary increases.

The demonstrations have impacted streets, public buildings and areas linked to the operation of the World Cup.

Mexico City’s Secretariat of Citizen Security reported about 6,000 teachers are participating in demonstrations in areas near the stadium. Although the federal government maintains that fully reversing the reform would carry a high fiscal cost, union leaders have warned they will continue protesting until they receive a favorable response.

Political analysts agree that the 2026 FIFA World Cup has become the main battleground for the public narrative in Mexico — a phenomenon in which social tensions are colliding directly with government efforts to project stability abroad.

One example will be the mobilization of groups representing relatives of missing persons, known as “searching mothers.” Thousands of women plan to march on the same day as the opening ceremony under the slogan, “Do not play with our pain,” to denounce a crisis involving more than 134,000 people who are missing or whose whereabouts remain unknown in the country.

The organizations have begun to post photographs and missing-person notices around the stadium and have announced activities aimed at drawing attention to the issue before the millions of viewers who will follow the tournament around the world.

Amnesty International said it will act as an observer of the protest.

“As tens of millions of people around the world prepare to tune in to what FIFA describes as ‘the biggest opening ceremony on the planet,’ in Mexico thousands of brave women will seize the opportunity to take to the streets and remind the world that their loved ones remain missing,” said Edith Olivares Ferreto, executive director of Amnesty International Mexico.

“The Interior Ministry works permanently on the issue of missing persons, is permanently engaged in search efforts in a way that has never been done before and also with prevention at the moment a person finds themselves in this situation,” Sheinbaum said Tuesday.

“Therefore, the issues are being addressed. If they want to demonstrate, then they should do so peacefully.”

Neighborhood organizations have also joined the protests.

With slogans that oppose gentrification and evictions and protest water shortages, anti-World Cup groups contend that projects associated with the tournament have deepened structural problems in different neighborhoods of the capital.

They have been joined by farmers’ organizations, transport workers and retired members of the judiciary, who have called for demonstrations on strategic routes leading to the stadium.

The protests also coincide with questions about infrastructure that must deal with the tournament.

In recent days, users reported water leaks at recently renovated stations on Metro Line 2, one of the main transportation routes for fans attending the opening match. Rainfall also caused delays on the rail network because of speed restrictions implemented for safety reasons.

Against this backdrop, federal and local authorities announced a security operation that involves more than 10,000 personnel to safeguard the opening ceremony, guarantee the movement of teams and fans, and prevent incidents around the stadium and the FIFA Fan Festival in the Zócalo.

A U.S. Air Force KC-135 tanker appeared in the United Kingdom this weekend with a new antenna on top of the rear of the fuselage. The service has several efforts underway to improve the communications networking capabilities of all of its tankers and cargo planes, including ones that leverage Starshield, the government-focused cousin of SpaceX’s Starlink. This has become an especially critical priority for future survivability and effectiveness of the aging KC-135 fleet.

Aviation photographer Alessandro Ledda, who goes by Aerographist on Instagram, caught the KC-135 in question at RAF Mildenhall yesterday. The base is a major hub for U.S. Air Force operations in the United Kingdom. It has been utilized to support recent operations against Iran, as have other RAF facilities.

Ledda told TWZ that online flight tracking data says this particular KC-135 is serial number 63-7976, but that this might not be correct. The plane is largely devoid of markings, preventing easy confirmation. Two years ago, the Air Force’s Air Mobility Command (AMC) began removing serial numbers and other unique identifying markings from tankers and other aircraft as an operational security measure, as you can read more about here.

Ledda also told us that this is the first time he has seen a KC-135 with the new dorsal antenna, despite regularly photographing tankers of this type at Mildenhall. The base is home to the Air Force’s 100th Air Refueling Wing, which flies the KC-135, but is also a regular staging point for temporary deployments and a stop-over for aircraft just passing through.

A picture of the same antenna on top of a KC-135 had emerged online in April, but where and when it was taken are unclear. This may or may not be the same aircraft seen at Mildenhall this weekend. It is unknown how many Air Force KC-135s may have received this modification so far, and TWZ has reached out to the Air Force for more information. At the beginning of Fiscal Year 2026, the Air Force had 368 KC-135s in inventory, in total. At least a portion of that fleet is set to remain in service through 2050.

The antenna has a very roughly trapezoidal shape with a mostly flat top. There is a single small blade that sticks up at the rear, as well. The size and shape are broadly reflective of ‘hump’ style antennas associated with high-bandwidth satellite communications (SATCOM) suites seen on large military and commercial aircraft. In both pictures we have seen of this installation on the KC-135 so far, the new antenna is also mounted right behind a much smaller existing platter-shaped type typically used to support ultra-high-frequency SATCOM links.

Back in April, the possibility was raised that the new antenna for the KC-135 could be tied to Airlift/Tanker Open Mission Systems (ATOMS) and/or its successor, MAF NEXUS, both developed by the Sierra Nevada Corporation (SNC). MAF here stands for Mobility Air Forces, a collective term for the Air Force’s tanker and airlifter fleets, and the personnel that support them.

ATOMS is “a Starshield-based BLOS [beyond line of sight] satcom system SNC has been installing on a handful of [KC]-135s, [C]-17s, [KC]-46s, [C]-130s. Saw a C-17 getting it last week in Dayton,” Aviation Week‘s Brian Everstine wrote on X, speaking generally, in a thread discussing the first picture of the new antenna for the KC-135 that had emerged. ATOMS is “now transforming to Air Mobility Commands [sic] ‘MAF Nexus.’”

As noted, Starshield is a more secure, government-centric offshoot of SpaceX’s Starlink space-based network. Starshield and Starlink have been in increasing use across the U.S. military on aircraft, as well as warships and in various contexts on the ground, for years now, as TWZ has explored on several occasions in the past.

The size and shape of the antenna on the KC-135 at Mildenhall is, broadly speaking, in line with commercial Starlink antennas used on airliners and other civilian aircraft.

“The SNC solution for ATOMS, originally provided as a Quick Reaction Capability (QRC) in just six months, delivers enhanced situational awareness through multidomain networking and datalink,” SNC had explained in a press release in August 2025. “The system’s ability to provide a Common Operating Picture improves data interpretation and bolsters decision advantage, strengthening AMC’s effectiveness by leveraging multiple communications paths and sensors to seamlessly share data.”

That release followed the conclusion of the Air Force’s Mobility Guardian 2025 exercise, in which ATOMS “played a pivotal role” by “demonstrating its ability to provide seamless data management and communications solutions on multiple aircraft platforms, including the C-17, KC-135, KC-46 and C-130, as well as numerous ground nodes.”

The Air Force’s 2027 Fiscal Year budget request highlights at least two other potentially relevant communications upgrade efforts for the service’s KC-135, specifically, which could also make use of Starlink/Starshield.

There is the “Hybrid SATCOM capability,” which involves “the employment of Multi-Band, Multi-Orbit SATCOM terminals to switch between different government and commercial constellations,” according to official budget documents. This is tied to another project called MAF Connectivity focused on developing a “path forward as the tanker needs to be able to connect to the Joint fight to close kill chains and logistics chains.”

For MAF Connectivity, “possible capabilities include, but are not limited to, intelligent gateways, antennas, radios, software updates, crew displays, and multiple aperture array housings,” the budget documents also note. An “increment 1 first prototype installation” was also scheduled to be completed in the second quarter of Fiscal Year 2026, which began on January 1 and ended on March 31.

The antenna could be part of a different effort, as well. The Air Force has fielded a number of roll-on/roll-off communications and networking suites for the KC-135 over the years, but in an ad hoc manner and on a relatively limited scale. Last year, the Air National Guard also announced the demonstration of a new communications and data-sharing node packaged inside a heavily modified underwing Multipoint Refueling System (MPRS) pod, but the extent to which that capability may now be available for operational use is unclear. KC-135 and KC-46 tankers use unmodified MPRS pods to transfer fuel to receivers via the probe-and-drogue method.

As an aside, a Boeing 757 called Trailblazer (N-number N473AP), which defense contractor L3Harris uses as a testbed, also recently emerged with a new elongated dorsal fairing. Trailblazer’s new addition is similar in some broad strokes, but also distinctly different from the antenna seen on the KC-135 at Mildenhall this weekend. One of L3Harris’ major business areas is satellite communications systems, including for the U.S. Air Force. TWZ has reached out to the company for more information about this development.

For years now, the Air Force has been trying to more deeply integrate new communications and networking capabilities onto the KC-135, as well as other tankers and aircraft across the MAF. Senior service officials have also described this as a gateway to enabling other new capabilities down the road, including ones to help better protect tankers and airlifters from future threats. TWZ has previously highlighted this as a path to airborne control for “loyal wingman” type drones and other uncrewed aerial systems, something the Air Force has already been experimenting with to differing degrees.

“I gotta keep modernizing the tanker force,” Air Force Lt. Gen. Rebecca Sonkiss told TWZ and others at a roundtable at the Air & Space Forces Association’s annual warfare symposium in February. “If I was going to parcel out the things we care about in that, though, it’s connectivity and survivability. So those are the things that we really care about in that effort.”

“There’s various ways to get after survivability,” she continued. “It starts with being connected so that you have battlespace awareness, and then it continues on to how do we protect those assets.”

Sonkiss’ official title is Deputy Commander of AMC. However, she has been serving as the interim head of the command since her predecessor, Gen. John Lamontagne, became Vice Chief of Staff of the Air Force in January.

“The single biggest contributor to survivability in a big airplane is connectivity. The biggest contributor is not having a 12-hour-old Intel brief that you’re relying on to get you through the mission,” retired Air Force Gen. Michael “Mini” Minihan, who led AMC from October 2021 to November 2024, told TWZ in an interview in February, as well. “So real-world updates, real-time updates, just like our fighters and our bombers enjoy. Battle management that gets after maneuver and not just kill chain. Those things matter.”

“The reality is that the car I rented right now, driving from the airport to my hotel room, has more connectivity in it than the overwhelming majority of the mobility fleet. So connectivity matters,” he also told us at that time.

New communications and networking suites could enable AMC’s KC-135, as well as the rest of the command’s fleets, to serve as essential ‘translators’ between disparate networks and waveforms in the future. Providing a link between low probability of interception/low probability of detection (LPI/LPD) datalinks that stealthy aircraft use, such as the Multifunction Advanced Data Link (MADL) and Intra-Fighter Data Link (IFDL), and more general-purpose ones, would be especially valuable. IFDL is currently only found on the F-22 Raptor, while all variants of the F-35 fighter (and future B-21 Raider bombers) use MADL, and the two cannot ‘talk’ to each other directly, which has long created challenges. Upgraded tankers could serve as important parts of a beyond-line-of-sight mesh-like network that incorporates other kinds of line-of-sight links like Link16. In this way, they could help relay data to and from forward battle management and other command and control nodes, including ones in the air.

In addition, improved connectivity stands to provide additional operational and safety benefits across the MAF.

“According to the Air Force, the tankers’ ability to access tactical data links could increase mission success in contested environments by improving survivability, agility, and situational awareness for command-and-control elements and aircrews,” the Congressional Research Service (CRS) wrote in a report published in January. “The connectivity could provide aircrews with such information as potential threats, fuel availability, and safer landing sites. In addition, tanker aircraft could serve as a backup information conduit for other aircraft in a degraded communications environment.”

The points here have become a broader topic of discussion after two KC-135s collided over Iraq in March during the opening weeks of Operation Epic Fury against Iran. One of the aircraft crashed, killing all six onboard. The other tanker involved was able to land in Israel despite suffering severe damage. At the time of writing, the Air Force has not yet shared any official determinations as to the chain of events that led to that fatal incident.

Spencer Pratt had a few things going for him when he launched an insurgent campaign to become Los Angeles’ next mayor.

He had a heart-tugging origin story that saw him transform from a has-been television star into one of the thousands of residents who lost their home in last year’s Palisades fire. He faced an unpopular incumbent in Mayor Karen Bass. He was powered by a vigorous social media presence and an angry electorate thirsty for change.

He was able to capitalize on those conditions to outraise his main rivals, Bass and city council member Nithya Raman, and transform his candidacy from an afterthought into a national story. Running as a Republican in a super-blue city like L.A. put him at an automatic disadvantage — one that might have been extremely difficult to overcome in the end. But the Pratt posse started to feel like a bona fide movement the more it thundered on, the type of revolt against the old guard that in previous eras led to the passage of Proposition 13 and the recall of Gov. Gray Davis — the type of movements that forever alter California politics.

Pratt, however, faced an apparently insurmountable obstacle.

Pratt.

With almost all votes counted, he’s going to finish in third place with about 26% of the electorate — the same slice Donald Trump received in 2024 — while Bass and Raman proceed to face each other in November. Political strategists will teach his failed attempt to their clients as a cautionary tale of how a candidate blew every advantage they had when they couldn’t afford to lose one.

Pratt’s first mistake was thinking that Angelenos wanted a campaign of wanton rage. Yes, many residents are furious at the state of the city. Yes, they want change. Yes, the angry Angeleno archetype is a real phenomenon that flares up in local elections to smack back at the powers that be.

But L.A. is not MAGAlandia — running from the right on apocalyptic, whiny messaging will only get you the few Republicans that remain in the city and some disaffected liberals. Pratt didn’t run as a MAGA candidate, but it’s hard to say he didn’t run like one — even as he swore he was running for everyone.

He took every opportunity to ridicule progressives in a city where four democratic socialists sit on the city council, one of them — Raman — has a good chance of becoming the next mayor, and five of the six candidates endorsed by the local chapter of the Democratic Socialists of America either won outright or are moving on to the general election.

Instead of making overtures to that side of the populist coin, Pratt recorded videos obsessing over Bass’ trip to communist Cuba in the 1970s, a well-known fact he treated as revelatory and which made Pratt sound like he was stuck in a John Birch Society meeting circa 1965. His dismissal of Raman as “stupid” and the mayor as “Basura” — trash — came off as facile juvenilia at a time when we already have the Big Juvenile Delinquent running things in the White House. Ridiculing homeless people as “zombies,” “vagrants” and “bums” only riled up the worst elements of the city and turned off anyone with a heart.

Keith Casey of Casey’s Family BBQ serves up food as L.A. mayoral candidate Spencer Pratt hosts a campaign “block party” event on 10th Avenue in Los Angeles on May 20.

(Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times)

Pratt undoubtedly attracted votes from a good amount of non-MAGA people fed up with various problems afflicting L.A. But many of the supporters who brayed the loudest on his behalf were the same people already doing daily propaganda on social media for a failed, hate-filled president and his baleful cronies.

Pratt acted like he believed the AI-generated videos created by fans that cast him as a comic-book hero was real life instead of forgetting that he was a novice trying to take on two experienced politicians. While Bass and Raman trekked across the city during the primary, Pratt limited his public appearances mostly to the Westside and random encounters with supporters he posted on social media. The few times he appeared outside those safe spaces came off as safari expeditions in a mysterious city the 42-year-old lifelong Angeleno obviously didn’t know.

Take the South L.A. block party he hosted last month. Instead of having something thoughtful to say about the state of Black L.A. or how its political leaders continue to neglect the region, all Pratt seemed to take away from that afternoon was that it was in the territory of the Rollin’ 60s Neighborhood Crips, a detail he shared ad nauseum on social media and to the press — as if kicking it with gang members would fix L.A. or gain him any votes or grant some kind of street cred.

That self-centered cluelessness ended up torpedoing Pratt’s best campaign moment. In the one debate he participated in, Pratt put Bass on the defensive, turned Raman into a tongue-tied mess, kept his answers sharp and relatable, and even earned the praise of the moderators. He should’ve demanded more gatherings like that to flex his mastery of television cameras, make his case to as many Angelenos as possible and showcase the self-proclaimed Pratt Daddy as someone willing to take on hard questions anytime, anyplace, from anyone.

Instead, Pratt declined an invite to their only other scheduled debate and never bothered with the forums civic groups across the city held in order for their members to hear from candidates. Instead, Pratt flew out to New York the week before election day to appear on Fox News.

Sticking to largely sycophantic media who lobbed softball questions hardened his ceiling. Pratt needed to proselytize — not preach to the choir.

The thing is, Pratt made some strong points about the inefficiencies of L.A.’s political status quo and the outrage that is having tens of thousands of people live on our streets. And there’s something appealing about an outsider crashing City Hall, which is way too beholden to sclerotic lifers who can be as clueless about what the city needs as Pratt turned out to be.

Instead, he platformed people who saw L.A. as a hellhole — or “shithole,” as Trump likes to call certain places. It was hard to see what some of Pratt’s loudest and most strident supporters actually thought was worth preserving in the city — but not why they felt he was their man.

In the wake of his loss, Pratt sure hasn’t push back against unfounded claims by too many of his followers and Trump, Vice President JD Vance and House Speaker Mike Johnson that Democrats somehow rigged the election against him. Quite the contrary, Pratt has insinuated on social media that they’re onto something.

That last point reinforces the ultimate reason Pratt could never become L.A.’s next mayor: He really doesn’t believe in L.A.

Angelenos don’t mind haters — it’s the type of city that frustrates residents even on its best days. But one insult residents won’t brook is someone who doesn’t have confidence in better days ahead for the city no matter how dire things may be.

Angelenos can spot a phony from far away — and Spencer, you’re turning out to be phonier than the fake drama on any of the television shows you ever appeared in.

You vowed to leave L.A. if you didn’t win the race for mayor. Maybe you should stay and try to righteously pressure Bass and Raman to make much needed changes. If you do, urge your followers to do the same instead of them pouting and sitting out the mayor’s race.

But if you don’t, well, maybe you never really loved L.A. as much as the City of Angels, warts and all, deserves. And you kind of need to really love L.A. to really fix what ails it.

Step up, or step outta town.