The Williams sisters are back on track for their doubles reunion.

Serena and Venus Williams were awarded a wild-card entry for the doubles tournament at the Cincinnati Open, organizers announced Monday. Venus was also awarded a wild-card entry for the women’s singles competition. The event will take place Aug. 8-23, with matches kicking off on Aug. 11.

This will mark the first time the iconic duo will be on the court together since the 2022 U.S. Open. The Williams sisters were previously set to play doubles together at Wimbledon last month, but had to withdraw after Serena injured her knee during the singles competition. The loss to Maya Joint marked the younger Williams’ first singles match in almost four years.

The Williams sisters have won 14 Grand Slam doubles titles and three Olympic gold medals together. Fans have been anticipating their doubles reunion since Serena announced her return to competitive tennis in June.

The 44-year-old’s first event back was the doubles tournament at the HSBC Queen’s Club Championships in London earlier this summer, where she teamed up with Canadian Victoria Mboko. They won their first match, but had to exit after Mboko suffered a knee injury. Williams then partnered with Czech star Karolína Muchová for the WTA 500 Berlin Open. They were eliminated in the first round.

Venus, meanwhile, is competing in her record 33rd consecutive WTA season at age 46. She has previously reached the semifinals and quarterfinals at the Cincinnati Open in 2012 and 2019, respectively, and she holds a 12-10 overall record at the event.

This is the first time the Williams sisters will compete at the Cincinnati Open together as a team. The event is considered a premier warm-up tournament ahead of the U.S. Open, where Venus is set to play mixed doubles with Alexander Bublik. Serena has not yet said whether she plans to play the final Grand Slam of the year, which she has won six times in her singles career. The U.S. Open will be held from Aug. 23 to Sept. 13 in New York.

The announcement comes as Lula warns of foreign interference and polls show a tightening presidential race.

Brazilian Senator Flavio Bolsonaro has named conservative Congressman Alfredo Gaspar as his running mate, ending weeks of speculation over who would join his presidential ticket in October’s election against incumbent President Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva.

The announcement on Wednesday also highlighted the challenges facing Bolsonaro’s campaign, which has struggled to build alliances beyond his own Liberal Party and failed in an effort to recruit a woman to the ticket in hopes of broadening its appeal.

Gaspar, 55, has represented the northeastern state of Alagoas in Brazil’s Chamber of Deputies since 2023 and served as its public security secretary.

Accepting the nomination, he described himself as “a simple person from the northeast” whose life had been defined by “hard work and honour”, saying he would work alongside Bolsonaro “to transform Brazil into a fair and decent place”.

Gaspar led a congressional investigation into Brazil’s National Social Security Institute (INSS), the agency that oversees the country’s public pension and social security system. Fabio Luis Lula da Silva, the president’s son, is under investigation over allegations that he received improper payments linked to an alleged pension fraud scheme involving that agency.

Political analyst Lucas de Aragao, a partner at consultancy Arko Advice, said the choice was surprising but gave Bolsonaro someone well-placed to attack Lula on an issue that has become politically sensitive.

“He has the authority to deal with an issue that is uncomfortable for Lula. He also speaks extensively about public security,” Aragao said.

Gaspar emerged as the Liberal Party’s preferred choice after several higher-profile figures courted by Bolsonaro, including Senator Tereza Cristina of the Progressive Party and former Caixa Economica Federal chief Daniella Marques of the Republicanos, failed to get their own parties to support them in joining the ticket.

Bolsonaro, the son of former far-right Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro, has struggled to expand his coalition, with several centre-right parties choosing to either back Lula’s broader coalition or remain neutral in the election in hopes of maximising their representation in Congress and appealing to anti-Bolsonaro voters in the country’s northeast.

A Quaest survey published on Wednesday found Lula leading Bolsonaro 44 percent to 39 percent in a simulated run-off, down from an eight-point lead in mid-July. In a first-round scenario, Lula was on 39 percent support to Bolsonaro’s 30 percent. If no candidate wins more than half the valid votes in the first round, the top two candidates advance to a run-off.

Launching his re-election campaign on Sunday, Lula cast the October vote as a battle to defend Brazil’s sovereignty amid growing concerns over foreign influence.

“Too many people are poking their fingers into our business. Too many people are interfering in our land. And that is going to stop,” he told supporters.

In July, Brazil denied visas to two US State Department officials who Lula said were being sent to “meddle” in the elections.

The diplomatic rift deepened on Tuesday, when the Trump administration said it was temporarily revoking the visa of Brazil’s ambassador to Washington in response to Brasilia withholding approval for Trump’s ambassadorial nominee.

Lula has pointed to those tensions, along with Trump’s public support for Flavio Bolsonaro and US tariffs imposed on Brazilian goods, as evidence that Brazil’s sovereignty is under pressure.

“As long as I’m president, no one from outside will interfere in Brazilian elections,” Lula said on Wednesday.

Britain’s new Prime Minister Andy Burnham is using social media to reshape Labour’s public image and challenge the growing online influence of populist parties, particularly Reform UK. By combining informal, relatable content with government messaging, Burnham is seeking to connect with younger voters while projecting a more approachable leadership style.

A New Digital Approach

Since taking office, Burnham has rapidly expanded his presence on TikTok, X, and Instagram through light-hearted videos, behind-the-scenes content, and policy announcements packaged in an accessible format.

Unlike traditional political messaging, Burnham’s posts often feature humor and everyday topics, ranging from debating popular pub snacks to joking about his own appearance. Communications experts say this approach presents him as relatable without undermining the seriousness of his office.

Labour Seeks to Close the Digital Gap

Burnham’s strategy reflects Labour’s effort to compete in an online space where Reform UK and its leader Nigel Farage have built significant audiences over several years.

Political analysts argue that while former Prime Minister Keir Starmer struggled to connect through digital platforms, Burnham’s communication style is more natural and engaging. Early polling suggests Labour has narrowed Reform UK’s lead since Burnham became prime minister, although the next general election remains years away.

Positive Messaging Over Polarisation

Communications specialists describe Burnham’s strategy as one focused on inclusion rather than confrontation. Instead of relying on divisive rhetoric, Labour is attempting to broaden its appeal through optimistic messaging and accessible political communication.

Videos highlighting government policies such as tax relief for hospitality businesses have attracted millions of views, demonstrating how policy announcements can gain wider attention when presented through social media trends.

Building a Professional Digital Operation

The government has expanded its investment in digital communications, recruiting specialists in content production, strategy, and social media engagement.

Burnham’s online campaign is being coordinated by experienced digital strategists, reflecting a broader recognition that political influence increasingly depends on platforms where younger audiences consume information.

Analysis: Social Media Is Becoming a Core Political Battleground

Burnham‘s early success illustrates how political communication is evolving beyond traditional speeches and television appearances. Social media has become a central arena where leaders compete not only on policy but also on personality, authenticity, and accessibility. While Burnham’s informal style may help Labour regain ground against populist rivals such as Reform UK, digital popularity alone is unlikely to determine long-term political success. As analysts note, sustained public support will ultimately depend on whether the government delivers tangible improvements on the economy, living standards, and public services. If policy outcomes fail to match the positive online narrative, social media momentum could prove difficult to maintain.

With information from Reuters.

If we are lucky enough to survive into our 20s, and have attained some degree of adult consciousness, we all will have lived a coming-of-age story. It’s a powerful, relatable basis for fiction or memoir or some combination of the two. Poignant. Piquant. It might be hilarious or depressing or, probably, both at once. Stories of first times, of big feelings imperfectly grasped, of life coming into focus for better or worse. Engaging with them as a reader or viewer, we look back on who we were, who we wanted to be, who we wish we hadn’t been. I get a little misty remembering my own clumsy progress through that flower-filled minefield. Remind me never to tell you about it sometime.

Television likes a coming-of-age story, and has logged some great ones — “My So-Called Life,” “Never Have I Ever,” “Freaks and Geeks,” “Everybody Hates Chris” — along with … some other ones. Premiering Wednesday are two series focusing on characters in their late teens; while stylistically, and one would say morally, miles apart, they nevertheless cover some of the same ground. There are things you can’t avoid growing up, wherever your life is set.

A rich-kids drama with a side of serial murder set in 1981 Los Angeles, FX‘s “The Shards” plants itself at the intersection of Bret Easton Ellis, whose 2023 “autofictional” novel it’s based on, and co-creator Ryan Murphy, in one of his bloodier moods, amplifying each other’s taste for the sensational and surfaces. Set on a lake in Canada, Prime Video’s “Sterling Point,” from Megan Park (“My Old Ass”), unrolls like a leisurely indie film; there will not be blood.

Kaia Gerber, from left, Igby Rigney, Hayes Warner, Homer Gere and Graham Campbell in FX’s “The Shards.”

(FX)

Igby Rigney plays Ellis in “The Shards,” narrating from the future. Bret shares with his authorial namesake an avocation and a love for Joan Didion (“Like all aspiring writers of my generation, I wanted to write like Didion. With restraint, economy and total control. If i could write like that, I could be like that. Or so I thought.”), as well as a manuscript titled “Less Than Zero,” though here it’s a screen treatment rather than the 1985 novel that made the author famous at 21. (One character will call it “brilliant.”)

As did Real Bret, TV Bret attends the private Buckley School in Sherman Oaks, where he is one in a small clique of rich, beautiful cool kids: Susan Reynolds (Kaia Gerber, daughter of Cindy Crawford and Rande Gerber) and Debbie Schaffer (Hayes Warner) in contrasting shades of Veronica and Betty; and Susan’s jock boyfriend, Thom (Graham Campbell). Debbie is Bret’s girlfriend, though he is also actively, if secretly gay, and has a kind of thing for Susan. They are shallow, if sad, nostalgic for their own untrammeled youth; they still have a little innocence left to lose. Because Bret is kind to marginal characters, beneath the notice of his friends, from whom he mentally distances himself by virtue of observing them (he’s Nick Carraway in Wayfarers), he reads as slightly more sympathetic, if no less tedious, and possibly more problematic. “I told myself I was only going to chronicle the decadence,” says narrator Bret, “an excuse I’d return to many times in my career.”

Into this shakily ordered universe comes handsome, charismatic, mysterious new kid Robert Mallory (Homer Gere, son of Richard, with Carey Lowell), whom Bret remembers seeing at a screening of “The Shining” a year before, though Robert denies having been there. Soon he has cast a spell over Bret’s friends, stirring in Bret twin feelings of obsession and competition: “I smelled him before I saw him — it was cedar and sandalwood as if he had just walked through a forest of citrus,” but also, “He was up to something and it was up to me to find out exactly what that was.”

Around the same time that Robert arrives, a serial killer, eventually dubbed the Trawler, comes to town. (Happily, we see only the elaborately staged, possibly satanic results of their work, not the process.) Who this person is, and what less than random reasons might explain the murders, remains a mystery at least through the nine out of 10 episodes available to review. But Bret points a finger so often at Robert that, by the mathematics of television drama, one can only believe him innocent. Still, no idea.

It’s a world from which adults are almost entirely missing, and when they are not, they are disappointing, or trouble. Significantly, there are Wes Bentley as Debbie’s skeezy movie producer father and Evan Rachel Wood as Debbie’s mother, a narcotized failed actor straight out of “Valley of the Dolls.” Jordan Roth plays Bentley’s somewhat sinister, sometimes helpful right hand kitted out post-glam Bowie style.

To be perfectly honest, if one set out to create a show I would be constitutionally disposed not to care for, this is it, though I allow that this is also exactly a show some people would be born to love. It’s often absurd and always melodramatic — not in itself a criticism — but if you’re in the market for a slick miniseries about cocaine-sniffing kids (and adults), murder, animal mutilation, sex and sports cars in New Wave L.A., with cameos from Hamburger Hamlet and Orange Julius and an excellent selection of period songs on the soundtrack, you can’t do better than this.

Ella Rubin, left, and Bo Bragason in Prime Video’s “Sterling Point.”

(Sabrina Lantos / Prime Video)

“Sterling Point,” on the other hand, is just my cup of Canadian Maple Syrup Soda. (It’s a thing.)

Ella Rubin plays Annie Jacobson, and like the kids in “The Shards,” we meet her suspended between her junior and senior years of high school, facing a summer she had planned to fill with more school. “You’re 17,” says her knuckleheaded, yet strangely perceptive twin brother Connor (Keen Ruffalo, son of Mark), “you act like you’re 30,” suggesting instead a period of “just going bug wild.”

Then a letter from a lawyer arrives, and it transpires that their maternal grandfather, whom they never knew, has left them, among other things, an island in Ontario’s Muskoka Lakes district. (Their mother died when the twins were 2.) Annie leaves their father (Jay Duplass) a misdirecting Post-It note — she knows he’s been lying to her about her grandfather — and scurries off to pierce the heart of this mystery, which comes from an incomplete instruction to “find her.” (She’s a rich girl. Scurrying from New York to rural Canada doesn’t require a second thought.)

Arriving by seaplane, Annie meets Ellis (Jacob Whiteduck-Lavoie), a townie working for Jeffrey Dean Morgan’s marina owner, Joe, who carries himself like a man with a secret. Ellis, a sweet guy not averse to skimming a little off the top when dealing with moneyed customers — it’s a summer getaway for the rich — takes an immediate shine to Annie. This will be complicated by the coincidental appearance of Rory (Daniel Quinn-Toye), a former piano prodigy Annie knows from New York, who’s in residence with his mother (Missi Pyle, ever a treat to see), who always seems just a little bit drunk and thinks nothing of pouring one out for the kids. (Adult presence is minimal.) There are posh parties, through which some of the young characters pass, though no one is doing cocaine or getting murdered. (There is pot and underage drinking.)

The crew is filled out by Oona (Bo Bragason), a sort of seafaring vagabond who lives on a boat with her 12-year-old sister Maple (Mabel Strachan), and Ramona (Amélie Hoeferle, terrific) an angry local returning after some time away, and possibly presenting the answer to a riddle.

What makes “Sterling Point” work so beautifully is its rare, real, unhurried sense of of time; it stretches out the way days do when you’re young, a sense heightened by the fact that Annie speaks twice as fast and as much as anyone else in the series. (It’s that New York energy.) Though there are some low-key melodramatic plot points, the show feels diaristic. It isn’t that the stakes are low, or that conflict is nonexistent, but that the drama is driven by issues of connection, identity, love and longing. (As in “The Shards,” there’s a scene in which someone who likes someone discovers them liking someone else — but who hasn’t been there.)

The series emanates a sense of urgency without cooking up abnormally dramatic situations. There is a lot of conversation, which, indeed, is what takes up a large portion of teenage life. One couldn’t exactly call “Sterling Point” unglamorous, since this is an attractive green and blue world — all that water makes the show refreshing to watch in a heat wave — and the cast is good-looking, in interesting ways, chosen, I would guess, not for perfection but for soulfulness. Who wouldn’t want to live here?

Howe certainly set the standard.

The Englishman took charge of a side in relegation trouble, kept them up, then went on to end Newcastle‘s long wait for silverware by winning the EFL Cup in 2025 – and also qualified for the Champions League on multiple occasions.

However, last season was a bruising one domestically – Newcastle finished in 12th place – and Howe watched Alexander Isak, Sandro Tonali and Anthony Gordon leave within a year.

Newcastle are set to lose a fourth key player too, with captain Bruno Guimaraes heading to Arsenal.

They need a progressive manager to start a new cycle following Howe’s decision to step down – and build on what he did at the peak of his reign.

Effectively, Jaissle’s remit will be to develop players and outperform clubs with bigger wage bills. And Newcastle‘s squad should expect him to be just as demanding as his predecessor in training.

“We did lots of small-sided games to keep the intensity high and if someone had not been giving it their all, he called them out on it,” said former Salzburg midfielder Zlatko Junuzovic.

“He’s not afraid to address things head-on.”

Jaissle has quickly had to get to know a new set of players, but he will encounter a group who are already used to similar principles from their time under Howe, as well as new young signings who are eager to learn.

He also brings with him a group of coaches and analysts who will look to quickly get his message across.

Al-Ahli defender Merih Demiral knows that better than most.

“Looking forward to going to training every day was so important,” he added. “They paid great attention to every detail and always made sure we were fully prepared.

“Matthias has built a really strong team around him and they played a huge role in our success.”

Jaissle and his staff will be working with a squad whose average age has dropped significantly this summer.

However, the German will still rely on experienced heads such as Dan Burn and Fabian Schar in the dressing room.

Jaissle, a former defender with Hoffenheim, was a few months younger than Junuzovic when he took charge of Salzburg in 2021.

But he did not shirk in telling the midfielder he would find it difficult playing alongside the younger players in the side.

Jaissle challenged Junuzovic to improve and earn his place in the starting line-up, and “kept his word” when he did.

“He understands the players’ language,” the former Austria international said.

Law enforcement in the US state of North Carolina has reported a fatal mass shooting in the city of Prospect Hill.

“Deputies arriving on scene found multiple people who had been shot. One person was transported to Duke University Hospital with a gunshot wound, and there are multiple other fatalities,” the North Carolina State Bureau of Investigation said in a statement on Wednesday.

“SBI Crime scene investigators are on scene processing evidence and conducting interviews. There is NO THREAT to the general public.”

More to come…

Israeli forces have entered homes and shops in the occupied West Bank’s Qalandiya refugee camp, near Ramallah, issuing demolition threats against businesses.

The Palestine Red Crescent Society (PRCS) said on Wednesday that eight Palestinian people were taken to hospital after suffering injuries.

Mohammad Aslan, spokesman for the committee that runs the affairs of the camp, told the AFP news agency that the Israeli army had arrested at least 20 people and took up positions on residents’ roofs.

In 2023, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government advanced plans for the construction of an illegal 9,000-unit settlement on the grounds of Jerusalem’s former Atarot airport, adjacent to Qalandiya.

Palestinian residents have since voiced fear that raids and home demolitions could be tied to a strategy of eviction before illegal settlement construction, without any official word from Israeli authorities.

Another harrowing episode is set to air tonight at 9pm on BBC One

True crime fans have been left stunned after watching harrowing episodes of the “best” BBC series – and another airs tonight.

Murder 24/7 has returned to screens for its third run, once again plunging viewers into real-life murder investigations in the UK. Following West Mercia Police, viewers have so far witnessed chilling murders as detectives work against the clock in their pursuit of justice.

Last night (August 4), the first of a two-part special aired on BBC One at 9pm delving into the murder investigation of Jamie Gawler. Jamie was found dead by police in an armchair in a flat, with a towel draped over his face.

Officers were stunned to hear the horrific post-mortem results as their investigation led them miles away in South Wales and a potential suspect.

The second episode will air tonight (August 5) on BBC One at 9pm, with episodes also available to stream on BBC iPlayer. However, viewers have been left sickened by the latest instalments.

Taking to TikTok, one true crime fan admitted their “jaw was on the floor watching this show”. In the video, they added: “Wow. Absolutely brutal…. I couldn’t believe them episodes, they were brutal.”

One person commented: “Omg I’m addicted to this one bet my leccy bill sky high.” Another replied: “It was horrific”, as a third said: “It was a hard watch.”

A fourth wrote: “Just watched them both this afternoon absolutely shocking.” A fifth added: “I love watching this programme but those two were brutal.”

Another branded the latest instalment as “sickening” as one person said: “It was absolutely horrendous.” One viewer echoed: “It was about the worst of that series.”

The second part of the two-parter, titled Natural Born Killer, will return tonight at 9pm as detectives continue to build their case against suspect Matthew Jonathan.

A BBC synopsis reads: “A critical forensic breakthrough comes when analysts match an incomplete, bloody footprint from the scene to Jonathan’s rare boots via a national database. Soon after, investigators recover a series of phone videos that reveal the true extent of the assault.”

A separate case featured also sees a woman fighting for her life after a brutal assault with a meat cleaver as her partner is arrested on suspicion of attempted murder.

Murder 24/7 can be streamed on BBC iPlayer

WASHINGTON — Midterm battle lines have been drawn across the Western states, as attention turns to general election campaigning with three months until November’s election day.

Washington state completed its primary Tuesday, the last mainland state west of the Rocky Mountains to do so. A national spotlight is on the state’s 3rd District, just over the border from Portland, Ore., where Democratic Rep. Marie Gluesenkamp Perez is now set to face state Senate Minority Leader John Braun, a Republican.

Democrats see defending that vulnerable seat as key to the party’s attempt to win a House majority. It is one of a handful of competitive races across the West that will help decide which party controls the House during the second half of President Trump’s term.

Attention and money is set to pour into those races over the coming months, along with some key statewide races. Here are ones to watch in California, Oregon, Washington, Arizona, Nevada and beyond.

Washington’s big race

Washington’s battleground 3rd District is a high priority for both parties. The district went for President Trump in 2024 while reelecting Gluesenkamp Perez.

Gluesenkamp Perez, a centrist who was first elected narrowly in 2022 and has made a name for herself by sometimes breaking with her party, successfully fended off primary challengers on Tuesday to advance to the November ballot. Braun, a retired Navy captain, won the other spot on the ballot.

The race with Braun will test Gluesenkamp Perez against a more moderate opponent than she had in conservative former CIA officer Joe Kent, who ran against her in both her previous elections. It will also test loyalty from her progressive base, some members of which were unhappy after Gluesenkamp Perez voted to fund the Department of Homeland Security in January, one of seven Democrats who helped it pass.

A competitive primary also unfolded Tuesday in the conservative central Washington district held by longtime Rep. Dan Newhouse, who is retiring. Republican Amanda McKinney, a county commissioner who was endorsed by Trump, and Democrat John Duresky, a retired Air Force major, advanced to the general election.

Newhouse was one of the last two House Republicans remaining in Congress who voted to impeach Trump following the Jan. 6, 2021, attack on the U.S. Capitol. Rep. David Valadao (R-Hanford), who is seeking reelection in what is shaping up to be California’s most competitive House race, is the other.

The West’s other battlegrounds

The Western states hold four of the nation’s 18 toss-up races as rated by the nonpartisan Cook Political Report.

Two are for Republican-held seats in Arizona, both in districts that Trump carried narrowly in 2024, and both top targets of Democrats.

In an open Phoenix-area district, Democrat Amish Shah, a physician and former state lawmaker, faces Republican Jay Feely, a Trump-endorsed former NFL player.

In a suburban Tucson district, Republican Rep. Juan Ciscomani is seeking reelection, challenged by Democrat JoAnna Mendoza, a former Marine.

California has one toss-up race: in the 22nd District, where Valadao hopes to fend off Democratic newcomer Randy Villegas for his Central Valley swing seat.

The region’s fourth toss-up is Colorado’s 8th District, which extends north from the Denver suburbs and has the largest Latino population of the state’s congressional districts. Republican Rep. Gabe Evans is defending his seat against Democrat Manny Rutinel, a state lawmaker.

In Nevada, Republicans are seeking to flip a southern Clark County district that covers part of Las Vegas. Democratic Rep. Susie Lee, who won reelection in 2024 as Trump carried the district, faces Republican Marty O’Donnell, who won Trump’s backing.

The race is rated as competitive by Cook, with a “lean Democratic” rating that very slightly favors Lee; Republicans hope strong turnout in support of Nevada GOP Gov. Joe Lombardo, who is up for reelection, could help them carry the district, Cook noted.

In California, two lean-Democratic seats are ranked as competitive: the 13th District in the Central Valley seat held by Democrat Adam Gray and the 48th District seat being vacated by retiring Republican Darrell Issa in the San Diego area.

New Mexico also has one competitive seat that Republicans hope to flip. Utah has one new seat that will likely give Democrats a chance for congressional representation in the state’s otherwise reliably red delegation. Montana, Idaho, and Wyoming have five congressional seats between them, all of which are Republican strongholds.

Key statewide offices up for grabs

Consequential statewide races are also on the ballot across the West.

In Arizona, election denialism is in the spotlight as voters face choosing a new governor, secretary of state and attorney general. The Republican candidates for all three positions have played roles in President Trump’s effort to dispute Arizona’s 2020 presidential election results. Analysts are watching how the broader electorate will react to candidates chosen by Republican primary voters, and how intensely the contests could inflame ongoing tensions in the state over the 2020 election.

In Nevada, a tight gubernatorial race is unfolding between Lombardo and the state attorney general, Democrat Aaron Ford. Oregon’s governor, Democrat Tina Kotek, is also up for reelection, facing Republican Christine Drazan, a state senator, in a race that Republicans hope will be more competitive than expected in the blue state.

Colorado has an open gubernatorial seat, where state attorney general Phil Weiser, a Democrat, faces Republican Victor Marx, a Christian ministry leader and former Marine. The seat is currently held by Democrat Jared Polis, who was term-limited from seeking reelection.

Marx has drawn attention to the race with sensational claims, including that he was forced to kill a man as a child, and his refusal in an interview to directly answer whether he had killed people as an adult.

Senate races

Oregon is the only West Coast state with a U.S. senator up for reelection this year, Democrat Jeff Merkley, who is seeking a fourth term. He faces Republican state Sen. David Brock Smith in a sleepy blue-state race that Merkley is favored to win.

Senate races are also on the ballot in Idaho, Montana and Wyoming, where Republican incumbents are defending their seats, and in Colorado and New Mexico, where Democrats hold the incumbency.

In Idaho, the Democratic nominee dropped out of the race last week, effectively clearing a path for the independent candidate, Todd Achilles, a former Democratic state lawmaker who has denounced both parties, to compete seriously with Republican incumbent Sen. Jim Risch.

Pressure to force similar dropouts in Montana and South Dakota has been mounting by Democrats who fear having both Democratic and independent candidates on the ballot will split the left-leaning vote and hand the races to Republican incumbents. The Democratic nominees in both states told Politico last week they did not plan to drop out.

The competition will reduce to 10 events from next season, with five in the United States and five held around the world.

There were 14 events planned for the 2026 season but in April, LIV postponed June’s New Orleans competition amid questions over its future and has not announced a rescheduled date.

O’Neil said LIV is focused on “delivering a great week for fans and players at Bedminster” in New York, starting on Sunday and “finishing the 2026 season strong” – but made no explicit mention of the final two events scheduled this season, in Indianapolis from 23 August and the concluding team championship in Michigan from 30 August.

Major winners including Bryson DeChambeau, Dustin Johnson, Jon Rahm, Cameron Smith, Martin Kaymer and Sergio Garcia remain part of the LIV roster after having left the PGA Tour.

American major champions Brooks Koepka and Patrick Reed rejoined the PGA Tour after it introduced a returning member programme.

In July, the PGA Tour and DP World Tour struck an alliance with the Asian Tour in another blow to LIV Golf.

O’Neil added: “We’re also seeing strong interest from more than a dozen additional parties to potentially serve as minority investors, creating a multi-partner model built for long-term stability and growth.”

LIV was founded in 2021 and launched the following year with 54-hole events and took its name from the Roman numeral for 54.

However, it moved to the tradition 72-hole format for golf tournaments from this season.

Aug. 5 (UPI) — Officers arrested a woman accused of stabbing four men in London’s Covent Garden neighborhood, the Metropolitan Police said Wednesday.

All four victims — aged 34, 39, 42 and 52 — were transported to the hospital. Two have been released, while the other two were being treated for non-life-threatening injuries.

Chief Superintendent Jason Stewart said officers responded to the area — a dining and entertainment district — “within minutes” of receiving reports of the attacks.

“While still at an early stage of the investigation, we would like to reassure the community that we currently believe this to be an isolated, mental-health related incident,” he said in a statement on X.

“A visible police presence will remain in the area while evidence is gathered at the scene and we thank the pubic for their understanding.”

People who worked in the area told The Guardian the suspect was known in the area and often displayed erratic behavior. Witnesses said it appeared she chose the victims at random and used scissors in the attack.

Arjan Gjorga, who works at a restaurant near the incident, told The Guardian he witnessed the attack.

“I see her all the time, she’s a homeless person. She walks around up and down asking for help, she visits the church at the top of the street,” he said.

Police cordoned off part of the area, including St Mungo’s homeless shelter. A representative for the facility told the BBC they couldn’t “confirm whether anyone from St Mungo’s is involved at this stage.”

The suspect was arrested on suspicion of possession of an offensive weapon and assault.

China’s ballistic missile arsenal has undergone a dramatic transformation over the past two decades. Once centered on a relatively small force of nuclear missiles designed primarily for deterrence, which we discussed in the first part of this series, the People’s Liberation Army Rocket Force (PLARF) now fields the world’s largest — and one of the most diverse — conventional and nuclear-armed ballistic missile forces. Among its increasingly advanced regional ballistic missiles are several types that are capable of carrying either conventional or nuclear warheads, further complicating crisis stability.

Ranging from short-range systems optimized for a Taiwan contingency to intermediate-range weapons capable of striking Guam and threatening U.S. naval forces deep into the Western Pacific, these regional missiles have become the backbone of Beijing’s anti-access/area-denial (A2/AD) strategy. The land-based examples are road-mobile, solid-fueled, and increasingly precise. Some are fitted with hypersonic or maneuvering warheads to further complicate the work of an adversary’s air defenses. As of last year, the Pentagon assessed that China fielded 600 missiles in the ‘boosted hypersonic’ category, which includes systems carrying hypersonic glide vehicles (HGVs) as well as air-launched ballistic missiles, also covered in this article.

This guide examines China’s principal short-, medium-, and intermediate-range ballistic missile systems, how they evolved, and the roles they are expected to play in any future conflict in the Indo-Pacific.

In this context, a short-range ballistic missile (SRBM) refers to a ballistic missile with a range of up to 1,000 kilometers (621 miles), typically intended for battlefield or nearby regional targets; a medium-range ballistic missile (MRBM) covers ranges of 1,000-3,000 kilometers (621-1,864 miles) and is designed to strike targets across a broader region; and an intermediate-range ballistic missile (IRBM) has a range of 3,000-5,500 kilometers (1,864-3,418 miles), enabling it to reach distant regional targets.

This article also discusses multiple missiles that carry either a hypersonic glide vehicle (HGV) or a maneuverable reentry vehicle (MaRV). These weapon types can potentially be adapted to hit moving vessels. A MaRV follows a roughly ballistic path to its impact point, maneuvering to improve terminal accuracy and defeat missile defenses. If paired with a seeker, among other alterations, they can potentially be used to strike ships. Meanwhile, unlike a traditional ballistic reentry vehicle, an HGV is designed to be boosted to high speed and released before proceeding along a relatively shallow, atmospheric flight path to its target. It remains maneuverable throughout much of its flight, allowing it to change course and vary its altitude. That combination of sustained hypersonic speed and unpredictable flight profile makes it far more difficult to successfully engage, while also reducing the time air defenses have to defend against it — provided they even have weapons that can successfully do so.

Short-range ballistic missiles

The PLARF fields multiple variants of the DF-11, DF-15, and DF-16 SRBM families. Among their most important roles is to hold Taiwan and the southern reaches of the Japanese archipelago at risk. Ongoing modernization efforts to improve accuracy, survivability, and operational flexibility underscore the continued importance of these systems, particularly for a cross-Strait campaign. Just as significant is their sheer quantity, which would enable sustained strikes against the many military and infrastructure targets that would need to be engaged in a major conflict.

DF-11A (CSS-7 Mod 2)

The origins of the DF-11 can be traced back to 1985, and work on a new single-stage solid-fuel ballistic missile. The initial requirement called for a 300-kilometer (186-mile) range, matching that of the widely used Soviet Scud-B, using a similar road-mobile transporter-erector-launcher (TEL). However, development trailed the DF-15, culminating in a successful flight test in mid-1990.

The DF-11 entered PLARF service in 1992, but work on an improved version reportedly began almost immediately. Development of the DF-11A started as early as 1993 and focused primarily on extending the missile’s reach to approximately 600 kilometers (373 miles), effectively doubling the range of the original design. Following its maiden flight in 1997, the program was publicly acknowledged the following year, and the DF-11A formally entered Chinese service in 1999.

China also developed a specialized bunker-busting variant known as the DF-11AZT, reportedly entering service in 2013. Believed to use the DF-11A airframe, the missile replaces the standard high-explosive payload with a penetrator warhead optimized for attacking hardened and fortified targets. Images of the system surfaced in Chinese media in 2016, followed by the release of footage showing a 2013 test launch the following year.

Although rumors have periodically claimed the DF-11 family can carry a nuclear warhead, the available evidence does not support that assessment. Today, it appears that only one brigade still operates the system.

DF-15 (CSS-6)

China began developing a new generation of conventionally armed, mobile SRBMs during the 1980s, mainly with export customers in mind. The DF-15 has evolved through several iterations, although publicly available information on the missile family remains fragmented and, in some cases, contradictory. The first major upgrade, the DF-15A, reportedly entered service in 1996 and has occasionally been described as being capable of carrying a nuclear payload. However, the only PLARF brigade still believed to operate the variant is consistently identified in open-source assessments as a conventional missile unit. Estimates of its maximum range are equally inconsistent, with figures ranging from the original 600 kilometers (373 miles) to as much as 900 kilometers (559 miles).

A more substantial redesign followed with the DF-15B (CSS-6 Mod 3), which reportedly entered operational service around 2006 before making its public debut during China’s military parade in 2009. The most obvious external change is its triconic reentry vehicle fitted with control fins, a configuration widely interpreted as incorporating a MaRV warhead.

Around 2013, another variant, the DF-15C (CSS-6 Mod 2), reportedly entered service. Based on the shape of its warhead, the missile is widely believed to be optimized for attacks against hardened and deeply buried targets, much like the previous DF-11AZT.

The DF-15 remains in service with only a small number of PLARF brigades and appears to be steadily giving way to the newer, longer-ranged, and more capable DF-16.

In 2022, the PLARF fired multiple DF-15s into the waters around Taiwan during live-fire drills following then-U.S. House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s visit to Taiwan. This reflects the fact that missiles in this category remain central to any contingency involving the island.

DF-16 (CSS-11)

Another conventionally armed mobile SRBM, the DF-16 has steadily replaced the DF-15. Although it made its public debut during China’s 2015 military parade, the missile is widely believed to have entered PLARF service several years earlier, around 2011 or 2012. Nevertheless, Much about the DF-16 remains unclear.

The DF-16 closely resembles the older DF-15, but lacks the prominent aerodynamic fins found on its predecessor. This suggests the missile relies on a more advanced guidance and flight-control system capable of maintaining stability without the need for large external control surfaces. There is also some uncertainty about its range: this could potentially surpass 1,000 kilometers (621 miles), a threshold that would place it in the MRBM category.

Stills from a video showing a test of a DF-16 with a submunitions warhead:

DF-16 from mid 2010s, with a submunition warhead.

Employment of submunition warheads against land based targets is well established, but for the PLA, their use for large and medium naval targets from AShBMs are more interesting especially from a mission kill pov. pic.twitter.com/m6S4QFAgDS

— Rick Joe (@RickJoe_PLA) March 8, 2026

A version equipped with what appears to be a MaRV, commonly identified as the DF-16A (CSS-11 Mod 2), was spotted in footage of a Chinese military exercise released in early 2017, indicating it was already operational by that point. Chinese state media later revealed another DF-16 warhead configuration in 2018, widely interpreted as evidence of a further variant, the DF-16B (CSS-11 Mod 3?). Despite the emergence of multiple versions, open-source reporting consistently indicates that the DF-16 family is intended exclusively for conventional strike missions.

Medium-range ballistic missiles

Over the past decade, Beijing has invested heavily in modernizing both the quality and quantity of its medium-range ballistic missile forces. Today, it fields a diverse mix of MRBMs, backed up by long-range land-attack cruise missiles, capable of executing both conventional and nuclear missions across the Indo-Pacific. All of these MRBMs are road-mobile, carried on wheeled TELs, and powered by solid-fuel rocket motors, allowing them to disperse rapidly, launch with minimal preparation, and complicate efforts to destroy them either before or after firing.

DF-17 (CSS-22)

One of the PLARF’s most significant recent additions is the DF-17, the world’s first operational ballistic missile designed from the outset to deliver an HGV. Publicly unveiled during China’s 70th anniversary military parade in 2019, the system is estimated to have entered service shortly beforehand.

With an estimated range of 1,800-2,200 kilometers (1,118-1,367 miles), the DF-17 can reach targets across Taiwan, South Korea, and most of Japan, as well as U.S. military facilities throughout the First Island Chain. Traveling at speeds reportedly approaching Mach 10, the DF-17 could cover its maximum range in roughly a dozen minutes, representing a far more difficult target for existing air and missile defense systems.

The PLARF would likely employ the DF-17 during the opening stages of a conflict to neutralize high-value assets, including integrated air and missile defense sites, long-range radars, command-and-control nodes, and other time-sensitive targets, thereby improving the effectiveness of follow-on strikes by less advanced missile systems.

Although Beijing maintains that the DF-17 is conventionally armed, Chinese media and senior U.S. military officials have suggested the missile may also possess a nuclear capability. If confirmed, it would join several other PLARF missile systems believed to be dual-capable, further complicating an adversary’s ability to distinguish between conventional and nuclear strikes during a crisis, and potentially increasing the risk of miscalculation.

Reports have also periodically pointed to the development of an anti-ship variant, which would further expand the DF-17’s role within China’s growing long-range precision strike arsenal.

DF-21

The origins of the DF-21 can be traced back to the late 1970s, when China began working in earnest on solid-fuel ballistic missiles. Following successful tests of a large-diameter solid rocket motor in 1978, development of the road-mobile DF-21 accelerated (as did work on a larger solid-fueled missile that would eventually evolve into the DF-31 intercontinental ballistic missile and its submarine-launched counterpart, the JL-2, both described in the first part of this feature).

The DF-21 completed its maiden successful test in 1985 and rapidly entered operational service with the PLA. The original DF-21 carried a single nuclear warhead and formed the backbone of China’s first generation of solid-fuel strategic missile forces. Its range is estimated at more than 1,750 kilometers (1,087 miles).

Even before the original DF-21 entered widespread service, work had begun on an improved version. Approved in 1986, the DF-21A (CSS-5 Mod 2) focused on reducing structural weight while increasing propellant capacity, extending the missile’s range and improving overall performance. Flight testing began in 1991, and by the mid-1990s the PLA had begun replacing the original DF-21 with the upgraded variant.

The DF-21 subsequently evolved from a purely nuclear deterrent into a remarkably versatile missile family. Around 2004, the PLA fielded the DF-21C (CSS-5 Mod 4), widely believed to be the first conventionally armed member of the series. Designed for precision land attack, the missile introduced an entirely new mission for the DF-21 but also highlighted a growing escalation risk. The DF-21C appears to have been retired, with surviving units reportedly having transitioned to newer missile systems.

Public information on a supposed DF-21B remains sparse. The designation may have referred to an intermediate development fitted with a MaRV before that technology matured into the much better-known DF-21D.

China’s Dong-Feng 21 “carrier killer” Salvo Launch

It was the DF-21D (CSS-5 Mod 5) that really brought the missile family into the spotlight, as one of China’s most closely watched strategic weapons. Public attention surged in 2010 after a senior U.S. Navy officer stated that the missile had reached initial operational capability. Equipped with a MaRV and designed specifically to attack moving warships, the conventionally armed DF-21D became the world’s first operational anti-ship ballistic missile (ASBM) and quickly earned the nickname “carrier killer” (since applied to several other weapon systems). Western sources attribute the DF-21D with a range of more than 1,500 kilometers (932 miles).

The concept reflected Beijing’s broader A2/AD strategy, which seeks to hold U.S. carrier strike groups at risk and complicate U.S. military intervention inside the First Island Chain. U.S. defense reports had been tracking the program since the mid-2000s, and subsequent reports indicate the DF-21D has been tested against both land-based carrier mockups and actual targets at sea, underscoring China’s continued investment in long-range precision strike capabilities.

While both the DF-21C and DF-21D are conventionally armed, there is also a more modern nuclear-armed addition to the family. First reported in 2016, information about this missile is scarce. Some sources refer to this variant as the DF-21E, though this designation has not been seen in an authoritative context in China, and the Western reporting name CSS-5 Mod 6 has meanwhile been applied.

For years, the medium-range DF-21 formed the backbone of China’s regional ballistic missile force, with different variants providing conventional land-attack, anti-ship, and nuclear strike capabilities. That role is increasingly being assumed by the longer-ranged DF-26 IRBM, which significantly expands the PLARF’s reach by bringing Guam, and its concentration of critical U.S. military facilities, within range. The in-development DF-27 looks set to push that range even further, blurring the boundary between an IRBM and an ICBM.

DF-26 (CSS-18)

Increasingly the centerpiece of the PLARF’s regional strike force is the DF-26, which appears to be a substantially enlarged and more capable evolution of the DF-21. Development is believed to have begun before 2010, with the first images emerging from Chinese sources around 2012 before U.S. intelligence publicly acknowledged the missile’s existence in 2014. Mounted on a highly mobile six-axle TEL, the two-stage, solid-fueled DF-26 made its public debut during China’s 2015 military parade and entered operational service the following year.

The DF-26 combines significantly greater range with exceptional mission flexibility. Unlike many earlier PLARF missiles, it is believed to be genuinely dual-capable, able to carry either conventional or nuclear warheads that can reportedly be exchanged relatively quickly depending on operational requirements.

In addition to land-attack missions, China has also fielded an anti-ship variant, equipped with a MaRV, and effectively extending the DF-21D’s “carrier killer” concept many hundreds of miles farther out to sea.

The DF-26 is thought to have a range of more than 3,000 kilometers (1,864 miles).

Just as significant as the DF-26’s capabilities is the pace at which it has been fielded. The missile has become one of the fastest-growing elements of the PLARF’s inventory, reflecting Beijing’s increasing emphasis on longer-range conventional strike options. The U.S. Department of Defense estimated that China possessed more than 200 DF-26 launchers by 2020, a figure that had grown to around 250 just two years later. Combined with its ability to strike targets as far away as Guam while performing both conventional and nuclear missions, the DF-26 is poised to remain one of the PLARF’s most important regional strike weapons for the foreseeable future.

DF-27 (CSS-X-24)

A next-generation system, the DF-27, represents the PLARF’s continued modernization. The Pentagon’s 2023 assessment described the DF-27 as still being under development, but a tranche of leaked U.S. intelligence documents earlier that year suggested at least a limited number had already entered service. If accurate, the DF-27 would represent another significant leap in China’s long-range precision strike capabilities. The Pentagon has stated that the missile could have a range of 5,000-8,000 kilometers (3,107-4,971 miles), pushing into the intercontinental-range category. Even at the lower end of this assessment, it could strike targets far beyond the Second Island Chain, including parts of Alaska and Australia, depending on launch location. At the higher end, it would be sufficient to reach Hawaii and potentially parts of the U.S. West Coast from some launch locations.

One missile I was hoping to see in yesterday’s PLA parade was the DF-27—a new long-range hypersonic missile that’s been discussed in the annual DoD China Military Power Report for the last few years.

However, it was missing from the parade…or was it??? pic.twitter.com/GPIGwkMgUG

— Tom Shugart (@tshugart3) September 3, 2025

Available reports indicate the missile is designed to carry an HGV and will likely be fielded in both land-attack and anti-ship variants. That combination could substantially expand the PLARF’s ability to threaten high-value targets across the Western Pacific, extending the reach of China’s A2/AD network farther into areas where U.S. carrier strike groups have traditionally operated under reduced threat.

The missile’s payload remains undisclosed, but given the PLARF’s growing inventory of dual-capable ballistic missiles, it would not be surprising if the DF-27 were ultimately able to carry either conventional or nuclear warheads.

Air-launched ballistic missiles

Falling into an interesting category is the air-launched ballistic missile (ALBM). The ALBM concept is far from new, with designs dating back to the Cold War, although they are currently seeing something of a comeback, with multiple nations around the globe now pursuing their capabilities. China is among them, and the best-known of these weapons, the JL-1, is today considered to constitute the airborne arm of the Chinese nuclear triad.

JL-1

The JL-1 ALBM can be launched by the modernized H-6N missile carrier aircraft of the People’s Liberation Army Air Force (PLAAF). These aircraft feature a modified fuselage that allows for the external carriage of these large weapons, as well as an in-flight refueling probe, extending their range.

The JL-1 ALBM is assumed to be the same missile that has been referred to in the past in the West as the CH-AS-X-13, and which is understood to have been in development since at least the mid-2010s. This missile is reported to be an adapted, air-launched version of the DF-21 MRBM and similarly equipped with a MaRV. The possible relationship with the DF-21, and the DF-21D specifically, has prompted previous speculation about the H-6N having an anti-ship role, particularly against U.S. carrier strike groups, as well as being able to hit land targets.

China released first in-flight footage of an H-6N bomber carrying the JL-1 nuclear-capable air-launched ballistic missile, escorted by two J-20 stealth fighters.

JL-1: Nuclear-capable ALBM, ~8,000 km range, hypersonic reentry, also usable for anti-ship/land-attack. pic.twitter.com/e9uokWFnvz

— Clash Report (@clashreport) August 4, 2026

China has said the JL-1 (presumably coupled with the H-6N) has a range of approximately 8,000 kilometers (4,971 miles), although this is very much unconfirmed.

The latest Pentagon report on Chinese military capabilities refers to the H-6N as a “nuclear weapons-capable bomber,” and that its JL-1 ALBM is a “highly precise theater weapon that would be well suited for delivering a low-yield nuclear weapon.” However, it may also have the option of a conventional warhead.

Imagery has also emerged in the past, as seen below, which has contributed to discussions about the possibility of a second variation on the Chinese ALBM concept, with what may be a wedge-shaped unpowered HGV on top. As with the JL-1, this weapon could also be anti-ship capable.

KD-21

Finally, the H-6K variant can carry the smaller KD-21 ALBM on its center-wing pylons. This designation indicates an anti-ship missile, but it may well have the capability to strike ground targets, too.

In terms of its appearance, the weapon is very similar to the Russian Kinzhal (known in the West as the AS-24 Killjoy), a missile that is launched from adapted MiG-31 Foxhound interceptors and which has been employed in the war in Ukraine, apparently with only mixed success. Like the Kinzhal, which is an air-launched development of the Iskander SRBM, the KD-21 may be derived from a land-based weapon. In particular, the Chinese missile bears a close resemblance to the CM-401 land-based anti-ship ballistic missile (ASBM), a weapon offered for export. The truck- or ship-launched CM-401 is also capable of hitting static land targets and is said to have a terminal speed of between Mach 4 and 6 and a range of up to 290 kilometers (180 miles).

Missile numbers

Estimating the size of the PLARF’s missile arsenal remains challenging, and, understandably, publicly available figures differ depending on whether they refer to launchers or missiles.

Recent Pentagon assessments estimate the PLARF operates roughly 200 SRBM launchers backed by around 1,000 missiles, approximately 300 MRBM launchers with some 1,300 missiles, and another 300 IRBM launchers fielding roughly 550 DF-26-class missiles.

While the number of Chinese SRBM launchers used for the DF-15 and DF-16 missiles, both of which are conventionally armed, has remained static in recent years according to Western estimates, Beijing has prioritized the development and deployment of land-based MRBMs and IRBMs, such as the dual-capable DF-21 and DF-26. From 2018 to 2019, for example, the Pentagon noted that the number of Chinese IRBM launchers and missiles had at least roughly tripled from roughly 30 to 80. In its 2020 report, the Pentagon noted that the PLARF had further increased this number to approximately 200 launchers.

These figures are informed estimates, and they vary noticeably across successive Pentagon reports as intelligence assessments evolve. Even so, they underscore the extraordinary scale of China’s regional strike force and, perhaps more importantly, its substantial magazine depth. This would allow the PLARF to conduct repeated waves of missile strikes in a high-intensity campaign. Current conflicts, especially between Iran and the United States/Israel, as well as in Ukraine, have shown just how critical these weapons are, and underscore that they can be a deterrent just by existing in huge numbers. The cost of air defense is also very high for the one being targeted. These lessons learned will likely accelerate China’s acquisition of more missiles and improved designs.

Taken together, the missile families detailed here illustrate how dramatically the PLARF has evolved from a relatively small strategic force into one of the world’s most capable missile services. Older systems such as the DF-11, DF-15, and DF-21 continue to provide valuable magazine depth, while newer designs including the DF-16, DF-17, DF-26, and emerging DF-27 emphasize greater range, improved accuracy, enhanced survivability, and increased operational flexibility.

Just as importantly, Beijing has increasingly blurred the line between conventional and nuclear deterrence by fielding a growing number of dual-capable missile systems, complicating an adversary’s ability to determine China’s intentions during a crisis.

Coupled with expanding production, continued technological refinement, and the proliferation of hypersonic and anti-ship capabilities, the PLARF’s regional missile arsenal has become a central pillar of China’s military modernization and one of the most consequential strike forces in the Indo-Pacific. Any future conflict involving Taiwan, the First Island Chain, or U.S. forces in the Western Pacific is certain to feature these missiles prominently from its opening hours.

Contact the author: thomas@thewarzone.com

EMMERDALE star Jack Downham has quietly quit the show after 17 years.

The actor, who plays Noah Dingle on the ITV soap, is set to exit the soap tonight, but not before their family dog Monty passes away.

The Sun revealed last month that Noah was leaving the Dales.

Noah has recently shared his desire to apply for a job in Germany but Charity was reluctant for him to leave.

On Wednesday’s show, the Woolpack landlady had a change of heart and encouraged her son to purse his dreams.

As Noah prepared to depart, the Dingle family suffered another major blow when their beloved dog Monty was rushed to the vets.

And sadly Monty couldn’t be saved, leaving the Dingle clan heartbroken.

In Monty’s final scenes, Cain praised the pooch for being a good boy all these years and asked dad Zak Dingle to take care of him in heaven.

In emotional scenes, Cain told a dying Monty: “You are a good boy, I know my dad was always grateful for having you.

“When you get up there, tell him how much you love him and that we miss him loads and that he takes you for plenty of walks, just like old times.

“We love you, scruffy old thing,” with tears running down his face, he turned to vet Rhona and added: “I think he’s gone.”

Noah then visited Cain to bid farewell as he headed off on his new adventure.

Last month, we revealed that character was set to depart and had already filmed his exit scenes.

A telly source said: “Jack is such a lovely lad, and everyone adores him.

“He’s been on the show since he was a young child so it’s all he’s ever known.

“He was told of the news last month and his axing has once again sent shockwaves through the cast and crew.

“Everyone is wondering who will be next.”

But one of his pals added: “Jack is looking at the positives though and is hopeful about future opportunities.”

The bloodbath in the Dales has already hit another popular Dingle recently — plus other cast members.

Bradley Johnson who has played Mandy ­Dingle’s on-screen son Vinny for seven years has been dumped, as well as Nick Miles — who’s been in his Jimmy King role for 22 years — and Olivia Bromley who plays Dawn Taylor.

And rumours are rife that bosses are planning a big stunt that could kill off even more of the long-running soap’s cast later this year.

Last month Emmerdale took home two gongs at the ­Television and Radio Industries Club awards — for Soap of the Year and for Best Soap Actor, which went to Jeff Hordley who has played Cain Dingle for more than 20 years.

WHEN it comes to holidays, everyone wants as much as they can for their buck.

Well, there’s one city that has come up trumps for affordability from cheap hotels to bargain beers, and plenty of attractions to marvel at too.

Airport transfers experts at Hoppa crunched the numbers revealing Prague as the top destination for “affordability and endless things to do”.

Hoppa said: “The Czech capital takes first place because it combines affordable prices with an exceptional selection of sights and activities.”

It continued: “Its 619 budget-friendly attractions include the Prague Castle grounds and the 17th-century Waldstein Garden (and is more than twice the study average of 272 attractions).”

Hoppa calculated that a meal at an inexpensive restaurant averages £8.58, around a third below the overall average of £13.25.

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A local draught beer costs approximately £2.32, compared with an average of £4.05 across all the destinations analysed – and three-star hotels average £86.96 per night.

Sun Travel has found some breaks starting from £53 per night – including flights.

Royal Court Hotel

This hotel is a beautifully restored 19th-century building, but inside has modern bedrooms and offers a buffet breakfast every morning.

A three-night stay at the hotel with return flights from London Stansted to Prague from October 12-15 starts from £159pp.

Hotel Ametyst

The 4-star hotel sits in the middle of the city and is within walking distance to plenty of bars and restaurants as well as Wenceslas Square and the Opera House.

A three-night stay at the hotel with return flights from London Luton to Prague from September 15-18 starts from £179pp.

Carlton Hotel Prague

The Carlton Hotel Prague in the Zizkov neighbourhood is considered a ‘hideaway’ and is just a tram hop away from all the city’s attractions.

A four-night stay at the hotel with return flights from London Stansted to Prague from October 18-22 starts from £185pp.

Assenzio Prague

Right in the heart of Prague is the 4-star Assenzio Prague – it’s inside a stunning neoclassical building with modern rooms and amenities.

A three-night stay at the hotel with return flights from London Luton to Prague from November 16-23 starts from £219pp.

Royal Prague City Apartments

Less than a mile from the centre of the city, guests can lounge about in their very own apartment-style room at this hotel.

A two-night stay at the hotel with return flights from London Luton to Prague from October 19-21 starts from £122pp.

Hotel Praga 1885 by Wagnerstays

This stylish boutique hotel has everything for a city stay including spacious rooms – and you can upgrade from a standard to suite room for £10.

A two-night stay at the hotel with return flights from London Luton to Prague from October 19-21 starts from £124pp.

Europe’s best-value holiday destinations for 2026…

1. Prague, Czech Republic
2. Antalya, Turkey
3. Skopje, North Macedonia
4. Belgrade, Serbia
5. Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina
6. Budapest, Hungary
7. Tirana, Albania
8. Sofia, Bulgaria
9. Bucharest, Romania
10. Kraków, Poland

The pontiff’s first Latin America trip will take him back to Peru, where he spent decades as a missionary and bishop.

Pope Leo XIV will return to the region that shaped much of his ministry, making his first trip to Latin America as head of the Catholic Church in November.

The Vatican announced on Wednesday that Leo will travel to the three South American countries — Uruguay, Argentina and Peru — from November 6 to 17.

Pope Leo’s stop in Peru is especially significant. He spent decades, on and off, in the Andean country, first as a missionary and later as a bishop for the Diocese of Chiclayo in northern Peru.

The trip will also mark the first papal visit to Argentina and Uruguay in nearly 40 years.

The itinerary includes stops in the cities of Montevideo, Paysandu and Florida in Uruguay from November 6 to 8; Buenos Aires, Cordoba and Lujan in Argentina from November 8 to 11; and Lima, Chiclayo, Cusco and Pucallpa in Peru from November 11 to 17. More details about the pope’s itinerary will be released closer to the trip.

Pope Leo’s return to Chiclayo is likely to be one of the most emotional moments of the tour.

Although born in Chicago, Pope Leo first arrived in Peru in 1985 at age 30. Over the next three decades, he moved between the United States and Peru as a missionary.

In 2014, Pope Francis appointed him to the Diocese of Chiclayo. He became a Peruvian citizen the following year and led the diocese until 2023.

Upon his election as pope in 2025, he thanked the diocese in his inaugural address — and the city embraced him as the first “papa chiclayano”, the first pope from Chiclayo. Thousands of people gathered in Chiclayo’s main square to celebrate the results of the papal conclave.

The Argentina leg of the visit is also heavily symbolic. Leo’s predecessor, Pope Francis, was born in Argentina but never returned to his home country during his 12-year papacy, despite repeated invitations from multiple presidents.

Pope Francis made his final trip to South America in 2018, when he visited Peru and Chile. Pope Leo will become the first pope to visit Argentina since John Paul II travelled there in 1987.

Latin America and the Caribbean are considered the regions with the largest Catholic populations.

In a survey of religious distribution in 2013, the Pew Research Center indicated that 39 percent of the world’s Catholics were located in Latin America and the Caribbean, compared to 24 percent in Europe, the next largest region.

But the Catholic Church is grappling with declining influence across Latin America. Polling by the public opinion firm Latinobarometro found the share of people in the region who identify as Catholic fell from about 80 percent in 1995 to 54 percent in 2024. Evangelical Christianity, meanwhile, has seen its influence grow in the region.

Since assuming the papacy, Pope Leo has ramped up his international travel schedule.

Before heading to South America, he is due to visit France from September 25 to 28, his first trip to the country as pope, and he visited four African countries, as well as Spain, earlier this year.

GOING away with just hand luggage seems easy until you realise all the airlines have different policies on exactly what hand luggage is allowed.

While we all know budget airlines are some of the strictest, other airlines could still catch you out with a hidden fee at the airport.

So we’ve explained everything you need to know about taking a suitcase with some of the UK’s major airlines.

Read on for the current rules for Ryanair, easyJet, TUI, British Airways, Wizz Air Jet2 and Virgin Atlantic.

Easyjet

All easyJet passengers are allowed to bring one small underseat bag per person on board for free, measuring up to 45 x 36 x 20cm and weighing up to 15kg.

Currently, if you want a cabin bag measuring up to 56 x 45 x 25cm, you’ll need to pay extra for it.

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The price for this depends on demand, the route, your flight date and the time of booking.

Though if you get to the gate and haven’t paid for a cabin bag but have one with you, you will be charged £60.

Wizz Air

Each passenger can bring onboard a small bag measuring a maximum of 40 x 30 x 20cm and weighing a maximum of 10kg with Wizz Air.

The bag must fit under the seat in front of you.

However, it does state on the airline’s website that you can also carry onboard a coat or blanket, mobile phone, reading material for the flight, and duty-free items for free.

But a neck pillow is not included in this, and must fit in your cabin baggage allowance.

Currently, if you want a cabin bag weighing up to 10kg and measuring a maximum of 55 x 40 x 23cm, you will need to purchase this through Wizz Priority.

This will set you back between £12.85 and £89.98 during the low season and between £17.14 and £98.55 during the high season.

Ryanair

Each passenger can take a small bag on board that measures a maximum of 40 x 30 x 20cm.

It must fit under the seat in front of you and be a handbag, laptop bag or backpack.

If you want a cabin bag measuring up to 55 x 40 x 20cm, then you will need to purchase this.

This will cost you between £12 and £36 at the time of booking, or between £20 and £60 when at the airport.

Jet2

All Jet2 passengers are entitled to a 10kg cabin bag, measuring a maximum of 56 x 45 x 25cm and a small under seat bag measuring a maximum of 40 x 30 x 20cm.

On busy flights, Jet2 may ask to put your cabin bag in hold and if your bag is too big or heavy, you could be charged £45.

TUI

On TUI flights, passengers can each take one cabin bag weighing up to 10kg and measuring a maximum of 55 x 40 x 20cm and a handbag measuring up to 40 x 30 x 20cm.

If a bag exceeds the weight limit, you will be charged £60 per 15kg bag.

British Airways

With British Airways‘ basic economy fare, each passenger is entitled to one handbag measuring a maximum of 40 x 30 x 15cm and one cabin bag measuring a maximum of 56 x 45 x 25cm.

Your handbag must fit under the seat in front of you and your cabin bag must not have any valuables, electronics or essential medicines inside it.

If your cabin luggage is too big or heavy, British Airways might put it in the hold.

Though, you will have to pay a fee for this, which is usually £65 per bag, per way.

Virgin Atlantic

With Virgin Atlantic, each passenger in economy light is allowed to have one cabin bag weighing up to 10kg and measuring a maximum of 23 × 36 × 56cm as well as an underseat bag such as a handbag or small rucksack measuring a maximum of 40cm x 30cm x 15cm.

Your under seat bag must fit under the seat in front of you and any bags that are over the allowance could get a £65 charge as well as being placed in the hold.

Europe’s established technology companies are emerging as unexpected beneficiaries of the artificial intelligence boom, as businesses shift from AI experimentation to large-scale deployment. Rather than model developers capturing all the value, companies specializing in enterprise software, consulting, and cloud infrastructure are seeing stronger demand by helping organizations integrate AI into existing operations.

Enterprise AI Shifts Toward Implementation

Recent earnings from SAP, Capgemini, Sopra Steria, and OVHcloud indicate that corporate AI spending is increasingly focused on implementation rather than simply acquiring AI models.

Large organizations require AI systems that integrate with legacy software, fragmented databases, compliance frameworks, and existing business processes. This complexity has created growing demand for firms with deep experience in enterprise technology integration.

Integration Becomes the Next AI Battleground

Industry analysts argue that the next phase of AI competition lies in applications rather than foundation models.

As businesses adopt multiple AI models for different functions, the challenge is no longer selecting the best model but ensuring those systems work securely across finance, supply chains, human resources, and customer operations.

This transition is benefiting European firms that have spent decades building enterprise software ecosystems and managing digital transformation projects.

Strong Corporate Results Reflect Growing Demand

SAP reported a 26% increase in its cloud backlog, reflecting continued migration of enterprise systems onto cloud platforms that increasingly support AI deployment.

Meanwhile, Capgemini and Sopra Steria upgraded their business outlooks after stronger-than-expected growth in bookings and consulting demand, particularly for AI integration, governance, and data management services.

These results suggest implementation services are becoming a major source of value creation within the AI economy.

European Digital Sovereignty Gains Importance

Demand is also growing for AI infrastructure that provides greater control over corporate and government data.

Sectors such as defense, aerospace, healthcare, and critical infrastructure increasingly prioritize security, regulatory compliance, and data sovereignty when deploying AI.

This trend has supported European cloud providers such as OVHcloud, while companies including Airbus have chosen European AI infrastructure and cloud services for sensitive applications.

Challenges Remain

Despite improving demand, Europe’s technology incumbents must demonstrate that AI-driven growth is sustainable over the long term.

Automation could pressure consulting margins, while increasing competition among AI providers may compress pricing. Companies will also need to continue investing heavily in infrastructure and software development to maintain their competitive position.

Analysis: Europe’s Competitive Advantage Lies Beyond AI Models

The latest earnings reinforce a broader shift in the AI value chain. While much investor attention has focused on companies developing large language models, the commercialization of AI increasingly depends on firms capable of integrating those models into complex enterprise environments. Europe’s established technology companies possess decades of expertise in enterprise software, systems integration, cybersecurity, and regulatory compliance areas becoming increasingly critical as organizations deploy AI at scale. If businesses continue prioritizing implementation, governance, and digital sovereignty over standalone AI models, Europe’s incumbents could become some of the most durable long-term beneficiaries of the global AI transformation, despite not leading the race to build frontier AI models.

With information from Reuters.

Jeremy Clarkson has also confirmed major news regarding another one of his shows today.

A Jeremy Clarkson show’s replacement has already been announced and it’s something viewers have been waiting weeks for.

From Top Gear and The Grand Tour to the unforgettable Clarkson’s Farm on Prime Video, Jeremy Clarkson is never too far away from our small screens.

And this evening, Wednesday, August 5, at 9pm, will be no different as he returns in a repeat episode of Who Wants to be a Millionaire? on ITV where he plays quizmaster.

As always, the 66-year-old will be faced with a new line-up of contestants tasked with answering a series of questions that could ultimately change their lives.

However, this will be the last episode of the quiz show reboot to air for a while with ITV confirming what will take its place next week.

Jeremy Clarkson’s Who Wants to be a Millionaire’s time slot will be taken over by ITV’s live coverage of pre-season football.

Kicking off at 7pm and airing for almost three hours, the special is set to air the match between Manchester United and Leeds United, with the friendly taking place at Croke Park, Dublin.

The official synopsis notes: “Normally used for Gaelic sports, this is the first time this 80,000 capacity venue has hosted a club association football match, and while a friendly in name, it is likely to be a highly competitive contest given the historic rivalry between the teams.”

As presenter Hugh Woozencroft leads the coverage, there will also be analysis from John O’Shea and Michael Brown with commentary by Sam Matterface and Lucy Ward.

Clarkson has been in the news for months thanks to the return of Clarkson’s Farm on Prime Video with season five revealing that he had prostate cancer. Thankfully, it has since been confirmed that he is now officially in remission.

But today, Wednesday, August 5, Clarkson is back in the news as it’s been announced he and his former Grand Tour hosts James May and Richard Hammond, would be reuniting.

The Grand Tour came to an end two years ago but the stars will be making cameo appearances in the reboot to help “pass the baton on”.

Hosting duties are being taken over by YouTubers Thomas Holland and James Engelsma with The Grand Tour season seven airing on Friday, September 4.

Live Pre-season Football airs on Wednesday, August 12, from 7pm, on ITV.

Many have commented on the recent reforms to the Venezuelan Hydrocarbons regime and its reach. Most people have focused on the irony of Delcy Rodríguez giving away the country’s resources after years of empty anti-US rhetoric and, of course, it is ridiculously tempting to do so. But the long-term questions beyond the political posturing of the US robbing Venezuelan oil linger: is the reform good for Venezuela? Was the previous regime really favorable to the country’s interest? Why has the reaction by major oil companies been rather slow or lukewarm, as the WSJ reported a month ago?

The debate over the adequacy of Venezuelan oil regulations predates January 3. A statist vision has prevailed among political elites for almost half a century. Contrary to the chavista narrative, the oil industry in Venezuela was nationalized by Carlos Andrés Pérez fifty years ago. Up until the 1990s, the State, through PDVSA, performed exclusively primary oil activities: exploration and production. Then, due to the sharp drop in oil prices, the cash-strapped Rafael Caldera government, using a provision of the 1975 nationalization law, had to allow for private investment in primary activities through service agreements with foreign oil companies. These contracts were branded as the Apertura Petrolera, which became a bête noire for the Venezuelan Left, who even tried to stop the process via the Supreme Court.

Chávez put an end to this with his 2001 Hydrocarbons Law reform, migrating from the service agreements to joint venture companies where the Venezuelan state was the main shareholder. The refusal of some companies, like Conoco and Exxon, to migrate to the joint ventures led to several of the arbitration claims against Venezuela. Another contentious aspect of the Venezuelan oil business was that only State-owned companies could directly export oil. Joint venture companies could only sell oil to another PDVSA subsidiary, which led to PDVSA running up huge debts with foreign partners.

The Chávez 2001 model ruled until recently. Only PDVSA directly, or the JVs where PDVSA was a majority shareholder, could perform exploration and production activities and export oil.

The Executive also retained very discretionary power over what is called the government take (the percentage of oil or profits taken as a consideration in agreements with foreign partners in the joint ventures and applicable taxes), which can be used by the government to drive down the profits of its private company partners, a major deterrent for private investment in oil.

Up until very recently, the Chávez 2001 model was ruling: only PDVSA directly, or the joint ventures where PDVSA was a majority shareholder, could perform exploration and production activities and sell oil in international markets.

A similar regime was implemented in Colombia. In 2003, that country reformed its hydrocarbon regime to its current iteration, where it removed the exclusive primary activities rights granted to Ecopetrol, and established that this State-owned company would compete with private companies for exploration through contracts granted by a newly minted hydrocarbons regulator, the ANH. The ANH grants exploration rights under competitive bids where Ecopetrol competes with private companies under the same conditions. The purpose was to simplify the existing bureaucracy and award contracts under competitive, transparent bids, instead of having an all-mighty State company that both drills and decides who drills under very discretionary powers, as is the current case with PDVSA.

This model was behind past reform proposals by the opposition and have been part of the expert discussion on oil reform in Venezuela, and it is also included in María Corina Machado’s oil sector proposal, which received hypocritical criticism from people who remained mum about Delcy’s sweeping reforms. This model is seen as a true break from the previous one, as it takes power away from omnipotent PDVSA and turns it into just another player who has to compete with private companies in competitive bidding before a national, impartial regulator.

The reforms do represent a momentous formal break with the statist oil policy that has prevailed in the country for over 50 years. Under the new Hydrocarbons Law, private companies can perform primary activities through contracts with PDVSA subsidiaries and joint venture companies, and can export oil directly to international markets, paying the government take. The law, enacted on January 29, 2026,  also establishes that these contracts can include arbitration clauses, which can provide more certainty and guarantees for potential investors than submitting them to Venezuela’s infamously corrupt and dependent courts. The law also worryingly removes parliamentary oversight over the oil sector.

But the catch is that abiding by the law has never been chavismo’s strong suit, and they had been violating the Hydrocarbons Law since 2018. Under the aegis of the disgraced oil czar/soccer player Tarek el Aissami, PDVSA started signing contracts granting primary activities rights to private companies, as well as the right to directly export oil. This was done on dubious legal grounds under presidential emergency powers. Thus, the 2026 Hydrocarbons Law is only a regularization of a de facto situation that already existed.

The new regulations give a lot of discretionary power to the government to control the performance of the new contracts and to set the government’s take unilaterally.

As with everything in life, the devil is in the details, and the new law is very scant on the details of the new contracts, it seems to have been drafted in a rush. It defines very broadly the terms and conditions of the contracts (the new contracts pertaining to joint venture companies are only mentioned in passing) while at the same time giving the government wide discretionary powers to interpret them, and the last thing any international investor wants is to give chavismo discretionary powers over anything.

Delcy Rodríguez also enacted new regulations of the Hydrocarbons Law (which have not been updated since 1943) and two additional resolutions establishing some parameters for the government take. A centralized regulation of the government take is a welcome change, but the reaction to it has been mixed, as it gives a lot of discretionary power to the government to control the performance of the new contracts and to set the government’s take unilaterally.

The law also fails to incorporate any change to the current structure of the Venezuelan oil architecture. Unlike the reform in Colombia, the new law does not remove the elephantine, vastly discretionary bureaucracy that chavismo created.  PDVSA remains the almighty administrator of Venezuelan oil with no independent technical supervision of its role.

So, are the reforms good? They do signify a break from the statist vision of the oil industry, one that does not correspond with the wretched state of the Venezuelan oil sector. However, it is obviously a patched-up, limited instrument enacted by Delcy’s multiuse minions more to appease Donald Trump (even the reaction from American oil companies has been lukewarm) than anything resembling a definitive vision for the Venezuelan oil industry in an era of decarbonization.

The most likely outcome, already playing out according to the WSJ piece, is that the major oil companies (already traumatized by the previous experiences with chavismo expropriation frenzy over 20 years ago) remain skeptical or limit its investment due to the lack of clear guarantees and conditions and smaller, less known and less risk-averse companies are the ones who end up signing these contracts for a short-term gain. Chevron, who is now the most powerful player in the Venezuelan oil business, publicly signaled that the law doesn’t go far enough for them, and, considering their leverage with the Trump administration, it is possible that the Rodríguez regime is forced to further liberalize and refine the text of the law. But under the current conditions of legal uncertainty and arbitrariness no company, whether big or small, will risk investing the vast amount of money needed  (about 183 billion dollars) to recover the Venezuelan oil industry after decades of destruction and pillage. Oil companies may be evil, but never stupid. 

All of these scenarios have a limited effect on the recovery of the Venezuelan oil industry without a democratic transition because for any law to have a meaningful impact on the economy you need actual rule of law and independent courts, and you also need actual experts drafting the new laws. Not the very few lackeys of the most incompetent government in our history who happen to be proficient in English.

WRU chiefs have said the process to decide the framework for the final decision will begin in December and finish before the end of the 2026-27 campaign.

Daniels believes there is scope to continue with four Welsh regions, and would like the WRU to explain their rationale for removing a team in the west.

“From a club perspective, we feel that the decision, and the justification, for moving from four [clubs] to three needs more work,” Daniels added.

“I understand that there is data which has been used to come up with this decision. It hasn’t been shared. We will really call for transparency in that discussion.

“These are decisions that are going to have a long-lasting effect, not just on rugby, but on communities in west Wales. I think that needs a proper airing publicly.”

He added: “Our position is that before you can come out and make statements which have such an impact on people in Wales, I still feel there is a discussion and justification needed for the move to reduce the number of teams.

“Welsh rugby should be able to accommodate four teams, just as they do in Ireland and other countries.

“If there is data and evidence that we can’t, then let’s have the discussion about how you reduce the number of teams.

“Even then, I think we would struggle to see how that should be isolated to the west and not be a broader Welsh rugby challenge to face.”

Daniels says it is Scarlets’ duty to ensure the uncertainty surrounding them does not creep into their on-field performance.

Instead, he feels the WRU’s current stance should unite Scarlets and wants to see everyone, players, supporters and staff, fighting for their future.