May 4 (UPI) — A shooting erupted at a lake party in the Oklahoma City suburb of Edmond on Sunday night, according to police, who said at least 10 people were transported to area hospitals though the number of victims was expected to change.

Multiple law enforcement agencies responded to a party by Lake Arcadia following reports of shots fired just after 9 p.m. CDT and found several victims.

Ten people were transported to local hospitals in various conditions, Edmond Police Department spokesperson Emily Ward told reporters during a press conference, but she said the number was expected to increase as additional victims arrived at the hospitals in personal vehicles.

“At this time, I don’t have a condition on anyone as far as fatality or not,” she said.

No suspects were in police custody, and authorities were asking members of the public with information about the shooting to contact them, she said.

“This is obviously a very terrifying situation, and we understand the concern from the public and those involved, and we are working extremely hard to find the suspects and help these victims,” she said.

Investigators were at the scene and taking statements from victims and witnesses across the metro area, according to police.

“So that’s what we’ll be doing in these next multiple hours,” Ward added.

Little information about the shooting was made public.

Ward did not describe the party at the lake nor those who attended it, other than to say it was “a large group of young people.”

The man-made Arcadia Lake is located on the Deep Fork River in Edmond, an Oklahoma City suburb of about 99,000 people, according to the U.S. Census Bureau.

Here’s TWZ’s weekly carrier tracker monitoring America’s flattop fleet, including deployed Carrier Strike Groups (CSGs) and Amphibious Ready Groups (ARGs), using publicly available open-source information. Check out last week’s map here.

The historic deployment of the Gerald R. Ford CSG appears to be winding down, finally. The strike group – now deployed for a record-setting 314 days – transited the Suez Canal northbound on May 1 and has reportedly begun the journey back home to Norfolk, according to the Washington Post. However, CENTCOM still has two CSGs under its command, led by USS Abraham Lincoln and USS George H.W. Bush, positioned in the Arabian Sea together for the first time since the conflict kicked off. The second carrier provides additional flexibility to enforce the blockade, support the just-announced ‘Project Freedom’ mission to get commercial vessels out of the Persian Gulf, and, should combat operations resume, strike Iran with double the firepower.

“U.S. military support to Project Freedom will include guided-missile destroyers, over 100 land and sea-based aircraft, multi-domain unmanned platforms, and 15,000 service members,” CENTCOM stated in a release on Sunday. But reporting from the Wall Street Journal claims the plan “doesn’t currently involve U.S. Navy warships escorting vessels through the strait,” and the mechanics of the mission remain unclear. Also of note, Adm. Brad Cooper, CENTCOM’s Commander based in Florida, visited troops over the weekend.

Adm. Brad Cooper, CENTCOM commander, visited USS Milius (DDG 69), May 2, as the guided-missile destroyer patrolled regional waters in support of the U.S. blockade operations against Iran. While on board, he interacted with Sailors and addressed them on the 1MC while highlighting… pic.twitter.com/2qTmMmfY05

— U.S. Central Command (@CENTCOM) May 3, 2026

The Boxer ARG steamed northbound through the Malacca Strait on April 30, TWZ was among the first to report, and entered the Indian Ocean the following day. Boxer went dark on AIS shortly after completing the transit but, assuming a direct route to reinforce the Tripoli ARG in the Middle East, could arrive in the U.S. Central Command area of responsibility sometime next week. As of publication, the ARG was still operating under U.S. Indo-Pacific Command.

Continuing her scenic tour circumnavigating South America, USS Nimitz moved through the Strait of Magellan and into the Atlantic Ocean on April 26. While Nimitz’s exact position is currently unknown, pictures on DVIDS show her most recently participating in a PHOTOEX off the southeast coast of Argentina.

Note: Positions are general approximations. Non-deployed LHA/LHD amphibious warships are not shown.

Contact the author: ian.ellis-jones@teamrecurrent.io

FORMER glamour model Danielle Lloyd has shared a first look at her sprawling new mansion with fans on Instagram.

The 42-year-old told how the gruelling project took two years of “blood, sweat and tears” to build.

But it was all worth it says the TV personality as she showed off the jaw-dropping transformation.

In a video posted on social media, Danielle documented the beginning of the build, sharing a sneak peak at their huge land.

The actress, who shot to fame after being stripped of her Miss Great Britain title in 2006, regularly visited the building site to check in on how their dream home was progressing.

Fans could see the property begin to take shape in the clip as the foundations were laid and the bricks slowly formed the outside.

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Danielle also documented how the inside of their new home took shape – from planks of wood marking every corner to a stunning floating staircase, colossal six-seat kitchen island and huge floor-to-ceiling windows.

The mum-of-five has gone for a neutral colour palette, complete with shades of beige, brown and black.

Her spacious kitchen followed a dark wood theme, which was beautifully contrasted with off white flooring and hanging lights finished with gold.

Danielle’s mammoth new mansion surely cost an arm and a leg as it featured a sauna, a walk-in bath, an eye-popping flat screen TV, a full size pool table and a dressing room that could rival a Kardashians.

She captioned the post: “Two years of building our home… and what a journey it’s been.

“Not just bricks and walls — but vision, patience, late nights, tough decisions… and moments that really tested us. Blood, sweat and tears have gone into every single detail.

“Seeing it all come together makes every challenge worth it… and I couldn’t be more proud of what we’ve created.”

In a separate post, the model shared a snap of the outside of her ultra-modern family home, showing off the monochrome exterior, sweeping driveway and statement glass windows.

Danielle captioned the picture: “Wow, what an achievement.”

The star, from Liverpool, shares sons Archie, 13, George, 12, and Harry, 10, with her footballer ex-husband, Jamie O’Hara.

She has since remarried to Michael O’Neill and they share Ronnie, six, and two-year-old Autumn Rose.

After the game, Murphy had hinted at frustration about comparisons to other Ulster teams who had come up short in previous semi-finals.

He went as far to say that “this team hasn’t been in a semi-final before”.

And, in truth, he was right.

Of the starting team that were pipped by the Stormers in a dramatic United Rugby Championship semi-finals in 2022, only five were in action on Saturday.

Along with Timoney, Iain Henderson, Tom O’Toole, Stuart McCloskey and Ethan McIlroy were the sole survivors from the starting team that day.

Even on the bench that day in Cape Town, only Nathan Doak and Eric O’Sullivan featured against Exeter.

“It’s such a different team since then,” Timoney said.

“There’s been a lot of change now to the group, so it’s about this current journey.

“Sometimes it’s good for individuals, and for me and the likes, to have those lessons built up over a number of years.

“But the beauty sometimes of newer lads who don’t have those experiences, they don’t have those scars and it doesn’t even factor into their minds.”

Naegohyang FC will play the South’s Suwon FC on May 20 in the semifinal of the Women’s Asian Champions League.

A North Korean women’s football club will become the first sports team from the country to play in South Korea since 2018 when they visit this month, Seoul’s Ministry of Unification has confirmed.

The neighbours remain technically at war after their 1950-53 conflict ended in an armistice rather than a peace treaty, and sporting and cultural exchanges between them are very rare.

Naegohyang Women’s FC will play the South’s Suwon FC Women on May 20 in the semifinals of the Asian Champions League.

The visiting delegation will include 27 players and 12 club staff, the ministry said on Monday. South Korea’s football association told the AFP news agency that the team would arrive on May 17.

They will fly into Incheon airport on an Air China flight from Beijing, a Unification Ministry official said.

The winner of the match at Suwon Sports Complex, south of the capital Seoul, will play the final of Asia’s top women’s club competition against either Australia’s Melbourne City or Japan’s Tokyo Verdy Beleza on May 23.

“The losing team in the semifinal will return home on Thursday, May 21, with no third-place playoff scheduled,” the ministry statement added.

The match will be the first time a North Korean sports team has played in the South since shooting, youth football and table tennis delegations travelled there in 2018.

The last time Pyongyang sent a women’s football team to the South was in 2014, when the North Korean national team took part in the Asian Games in Incheon.

Founded in 2012 and based in the North Korean capital, much of Naegohyang’s squad is “made up of national team-level players”, the ministry said.

North Korea’s national team is one of the dominant forces in Asian women’s football, winning multiple international titles in recent years, especially at the youth level.

The most recent one came in November last year, when they defeated the Netherlands 3-0 in the final of the U-17 Women’s World Cup.

Aaron Hardie’s brilliant all-round performance ensured Peshawar Zalmi clinched their second Pakistan Super League cricket title with a five-wicket win over newcomers Hyderabad Kingsmen, despite an early wobble in the run chase in the final.

Hardie grabbed 4-27 to bowl out Hyderabad for a below-par 129 all out in 18 overs and then hit a fluent 56 not out off 39 balls to anchor Peshawar to 130-5 in 15.2 overs, in front of a packed crowd at the Gaddafi Stadium in Lahore on Sunday.

It completed a redemption arc for Peshawar’s captain Babar Azam, who finished the franchise-based T20 tournament as its leading run-scorer after finding himself in and out of Pakistan’s T20 squad in recent years.

“It’s a very big achievement for me, for Peshawar Zalmi and all the fans,” Babar said after winning his first PSL title as skipper.

“Throughout the tournament, we’ve performed really well as a team … Every player executed the plans they were given in batting, bowling, and fielding. Our plan was to go match by match.”

The crowd at the Gaddafi Stadium in Babar’s hometown chanted his name and erupted in joy when Hardie scored the winning runs for the team in yellow and pink kits.

Peshawar, who won the toss and chose to chase, had slumped to 40-4 inside the first five overs after losing Babar for a golden duck, while Mohammad Haris, Kusal Mendis, and Michael Bracewell also fell for single-digit scores.

But Hardie, who smashed nine fours, then combined in a match-winning stand of 85 runs with Abdul Samad (48), who missed out on his half-century before holing out in the deep when Peshawar needed only five runs for victory.

“It was just a great game of cricket,” Hardie said. “Kingsmen came out of the blocks really hard. They’ve certainly had a lot of momentum from the last couple of games and they carried that in, but I’m really proud of the way the boys were able to fight back.”

Peshawar were favourites for the title after losing only one game in the tournament, with Babar, who scored two centuries, equalling Fakhar Zaman’s PSL record of 588 runs in one edition of the tournament.

Earlier, Saim Ayub (54) scored a fighting half-century to help Hyderabad post 129.

Hyderabad had a productive power play of 69-2, despite Hardie having captain Marnus Labuschagne (20) caught behind off a rising delivery, and Maaz Sadaqat’s early aggression was cut short to just 11 runs when he half-heartedly pulled pace bowler Mohammad Basit to deep backward square leg in the first over.

However, Hyderabad lost momentum and crashed to 73-6 in the space of nine balls after the power play for just two runs.

The slide began when Usman Khan, coming into the final with half-centuries in the last three successive games, was trapped leg before wicket by the tournament’s leading wicket-taker Sufyan Moqim (1-23).

Irfan Khan and Kusal Perera were run out due to some sharp fielding by Bracewell, and between those dismissals, Glenn Maxwell was undone by Nahid Rana’s (2-22) pace and got caught first ball while going for a pull against the Bangladesh fast bowler.

Ayub stretched the total beyond the 100-run mark with a knock of 54 off 50 balls before he fell in Hardie’s last over as he top-edged a pull to mid-on, before the fast bowler wrapped up the innings by having No 11 batter Akif Javed caught behind.

The Australian batter, who was visibly moved to tears after leading Hyderabad into the final in a dramatic last-over win over Islamabad United in the second qualifier on Friday, admitted that his team did not post an imposing target.

“As a batting group, we probably left a few runs out there,” Labuschagne said. “We showed once again that belief in the side and what we can do, putting them four for 40, but just not enough runs on the board tonight.”

Hyderabad had a fairytale run in the tournament when they came back strongly after losing their first four league games, and also knocked out both former champions Multan Sultans and Islamabad United in the playoffs.

“Tonight hurts,” Labuschagne said. “But reflecting on what an amazing tournament we’ve put together, coming from four losses to winning four in a row, getting bowled out for 80 then winning by 100, and then winning two games to get into the final, we’ve made so many great memories and I’m just so proud of the team, it’s been an awesome effort.”

The Redondo Beach Pier reopened Sunday afternoon, hours after police and city officials ordered its evacuation for reasons law enforcement has declined to disclose.

The Redondo Police Department issued its initial evacuation order at about 11 a.m. through the city’s alert system.

“Police Activity on the Pier. Anyone in the area of the pier is requested to evacuate safely,” the statement read. “Catalina [Avenue] between Torrance [Boulevard] and Beryl [Street] are closed. Please stay away from the pier area until further notice.”

The department issued an update on X at 11:57 a.m. saying that the pier would remain closed until further notice.

At 2:21 p.m., the department sent out another message through the city’s alert system saying that police activity had concluded and that pier and its surrounding area were once again open to the public.

Redondo Beach City Councilmember Brad Waller weighed in on the evacuation in the comments section of BeachLife’s initial postponement announcement on Facebook.

“There was a threat made to the pier, and the area was evacuated to allow the police and dogs to clear the area,” Waller wrote. “Police are still going over the pier area and have expanded to BeachLife. There was no threat made to BeachLife, but out of an abundance of caution, they want to ensure that the area is safe before thousands of people enter. The pier area and BeachLife space were searched, and nothing was found. BeachLife should be ready to open and proceed.”

The Times has reached out to the Redondo Beach Police Department for more information.

The evacuation came on the last day of the Redondo Beach-set BeachLife Festival, which was scheduled to open at noon and feature performances by My Morning Jacket, Peach Pit, Sheryl Crow and James Taylor.

In a social media announcement, organizers for the festival said the start of Sunday’s event would be delayed at least an hour.

“Safety comes first. In cooperation with our public safety professionals in the City, out of an abundance of caution, we have coordinated to temporarily delay doors until 1 p.m. due to ongoing police activity on the Redondo Pier near Torrance Boulevard,” BeachLife wrote in the statement.

In a subsequent post that went live at 1:43 p.m., the organization said it had been given the all-clear to open its doors to the public.

“Per the direction of local safety officials, we have been given the go ahead to safely open doors momentarily,” the statement said. “We appreciate the patience from our community and look forward to a wonderful of day of sun, fun, and great music.”

ST. LOUIS — Enough was enough.

The Dodgers entered Sunday on a four-game losing streak, with a lack of offense undermining solid performances from the pitching staff. They were on the verge of being swept by the St. Louis Cardinals, after losing a series to the Miami Marlins in Los Angeles.

“When it gets to a certain point, we do a good job of kind of nipping it,” manager Dave Roberts said before the Dodgers’ 4-1 win. “And today is one of those days that … we’ve got to find a way to win a game. And whatever it takes, we’re all prepared to do that. And if you look at the track record, we’ve done well in moments like this.”

It took a second straight start of six scoreless innings from Dodgers left-hander Justin Wrobleski, along with the bullpen holding St. Louis to one run.

That was enough to make the Dodgers’ offensive contributions count. Though it was far from an onslaught, the four runs were the most they scored in a game since Monday.

“Offensively we just haven’t been very good the last week,” first baseman Freddie Freeman said after the game. “Just call a spade a spade sometimes. There’s no way to sugarcoat it. We just haven’t been very good, and we’ve got to be better.

“Luckily, Wrobo, our starting pitching has been amazing. They deserve a lot more than they’ve gotten over the last two weeks. So it’s on us to start scoring some more runs. We know we’ll be fine. I understand you guys gotta ask these questions, but no one’s worried in here. And good to get a win on a day game, salvage a series, and hopefully start a better streak [Monday] in Houston.”

The Dodgers (21-13) still dropped the series to the Cardinals (20-14) and are 7-9 over the last 2½ weeks. They’ve won only one of their last five series.

Offense lacking power

Hyeseong Kim follows through for an RBI single in the second inning for the Dodgers against the Cardinals on Sunday.

(Scott Kane / Associated Press)

The Dodgers extended their homerless streak to six games. Since April 21, they’ve hit only three home runs.

“Very surprised,” Roberts said. “And honestly, we haven’t really come close, either. So yeah, I’m surprised. It’s a team that, we can slug. I think a little bit is some of the passivity, the carefulness. And there’s going to be some swing-and-miss there, that’s just in a lot of our hitters, anyway. But what you don’t want is guys to be careful and cautious.”

The Dodgers on Sunday got an RBI double from Andy Pages and RBI singles from Freeman, Hyeseong Kim and Alex Call.

An illness swept through the clubhouse during the slump. But one of the hitters who was hit the hardest, third baseman Max Muncy, has continued to produce.

He went 10 for 17 with four home runs in Colorado. And even after cooling slightly, he entered Sunday with a team-best .937 on-base-plus-slugging percentage over the last 11 games, then had a hit and a walk and scored.

“There are times where he probably could have and should have had some days off in the middle of this,” Roberts said. “But he hasn’t. He’s had the one day off and then a half-game. But I’m really impressed with the way he’s persevered and got to the other side of it.”

Rotation battle heating up

Dodgers pitcher Justin Wrobleski delivers against the St. Louis Cardinals in the sixth inning Sunday.

(Dilip Vishwanat / Getty Images)

After Emmet Sheehan battled mechanical problems and gave up four runs in 4⅔ innings Friday, and Roki Sasaki authored his first quality start of the season Saturday, Wrobleski upped the ante. On Sunday, he improved his earned-run average to 1.25 over six games.

Wrobleski’s first outing of the season was in long relief, when the Dodgers needed only five starters because of days off early in the schedule. He hasn’t give up more than one run in any of his five starts since and is 5-0. And after throwing five innings in his first start, he’s pitched through at least the sixth in every game.

“He’s got a good pace to him, puts the ball in play,” Roberts said. “And obviously he’d like to get some more swing-and-miss, but those guys are swinging the bats and hitting at guys, and a lot of soft contact. I just like the way the guys stay involved behind him. And every single time he takes the baseball, we have an opportunity to win a game, most importantly.”

Efficiency and pitching to contact are Wrobleski’s calling cards, and he took that to the extreme Sunday when he navigated six innings without a strikeout.

“I had a lot of two-strike counts and they kept putting it in play,” he said with a smile. “I was, ‘All right, I’ll take the out.’”

When the time comes to clear a spot in the rotation for rehabbing left-hander Blake Snell, the Dodgers’ decision won’t be based solely on results. But Wrobleski’s strong showing to begin the season, and versatility in multiple roles, has all but guaranteed him at least a spot on the roster for the foreseeable future.

Injury updates

Dodgers minor-league affiliates have hosted a rush of rehab outings recently.

On Saturday, reliever Brusdar Graterol (shoulder surgery) played his first game since Game 5 of the 2024 World Series. Throwing an inning for triple-A Oklahoma City, he retired the side in just eight pitches, recording one strikeout.

“He hasn’t pitched a whole lot in the last two, three years, so his buildup needs to be methodical,” Roberts said. “I’m looking forward to him getting going.”

Snell (shoulder fatigue) threw four innings for Oklahoma City in his third rehab start Sunday, and Brock Stewart (shoulder surgery) faced three batters after pitching on back-to-back days last week.

Inter Milan win their 21st Scudetto, edging Napoli, with three matches remaining in the Italian football league season.

Celebrations have erupted across Milan after Inter clinched the Serie A title with a 2-0 victory over Parma, sending thousands of supporters into the streets.

The Piazza del Duomo was filled with fans clad in blue and black on Sunday, moments after the final whistle at the nearby San Siro, as flares and fireworks lit up the night sky.

Marcus Thuram opened the scoring in first-half stoppage time before Henrikh Mkhitaryan sealed the win 10 minutes from time. The winners moved up to 82 points and clinched their 21st Scudetto with three matches remaining in the campaign.

Inter entered the match knowing a point would be enough after second-placed Napoli were held to a 0-0 draw at Como on Saturday, and their own result the next day handed them an unbeatable 12-point lead at the top.

Despite the scarcity of clear-cut chances, Inter controlled much of the first half and established themselves deep in the Parma half.

The hosts came close in the 25th minute when a powerful close-range shot from Nicolo Barella struck the underside of the bar. The rebound then hit Parma goalkeeper Zion Suzuki on the back, but the Japan international reacted quickly to tip the ball away from near the line and out of danger.

Thuram sparked a frenzy among the home supporters in first-half stoppage time, slotting home after being found unmarked by a Piotr Zielinski through ball to put Inter ahead.

The second half followed a similar pattern with Inter remaining in control but failing to capitalise on their dominance as supporters inside the stadium grew increasingly focused on the clock ticking to 90 minutes.

Federico Dimarco delivered a near-perfect cross to Denzel Dumfries in the closing stages, but the defender failed to control his first touch, sending the close-range effort high over the bar and missing the chance to seal the match.

Mkhitaryan sealed the victory 10 minutes from time, tapping in a low cross from Lautaro Martinez to secure the points and spark title celebrations among Inter supporters.

For Inter, the triumph offered redemption after the heartbreak of last season when the club lost the Serie A title on the last match day before a 5-0 thrashing by Paris Saint-Germain in the Champions League final.

“We feel so happy now. It was not easy to start again after a season where we lost all the competitions we were in right at the end, but I am very happy today with this achievement,” Martinez said.

“It was a very important objective for us, perhaps many didn’t see us being favourites considering what happened last term, but we worked so hard on and off the field.”

The atmosphere in the Italian metropolis stood in stark contrast to a year ago when supporters faced the combined heartbreak of losing the league title to Napoli on the final day and suffering defeat in the Champions League final.

“I have no words. In spite of everyone who jinxed us from start to finish. Go Inter, always,” Inter fan Fabio said. “Wonderful. Amazing. And compared to how it ended last year, this year we deserve everything.”

Many supporters were seen in tears at the celebrations.

“It was more than deserved. It was a difficult league season at the start because it was always there, neck and neck,” fellow Inter fan Federico said.

The festivities are expected to continue ahead of the Coppa Italia final on May 13 when Lazio stand in the way of a domestic double for Inter.

Nestled along the British coastline is a paradise for rock poolers and fossil hunters — and Conde Nast Travel has named it one of the seven wonders of Wales

While Rhossili Bay typically steals the limelight with its three-mile stretch of sand in the Gower National Landscape, this cherished bay is what many locals regard as Wales‘ true hidden gem.

Conde Nast Travel recently unveiled what they deem the seven wonders of Wales, compiled by a Welsh-born traveller, and Dunraven Bay secured its place as one of the nation’s essential destinations.

According to the publication, this is where residents head when seeking a peaceful coastal escape. And, with scenery comprising dramatic cliffs, limestone formations and weathered rock faces, it’s easy to understand why.

Tucked away in Southerndown within the Vale of Glamorgan, South Wales, the stunning bay is frequently called Southerndown Beach, adopting the name from its neighbouring village.

It boasts some of the finest rock pools along the Welsh coast and is consequently a favourite location for crabbing and fossil hunting. Young children delight in exploring the shallow pools and discovering treasures, as families flock to the bay for a day on the sand.

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One previous visitor shared their experience on TripAdvisor, writing: “We visited Dunraven Bay last Saturday; it was an amazing trip to a beautiful beach. The rock pools are super; we found some very interesting items, including an intact Gryphaea, one of the genera known as ‘devil’s toenails’.

“The beach is very clean, and the sand leading up to the sea is soft. There is a beachside shop that sells hot and cold drinks and ice cream, along with a picnic area for those with their own food.”

Visitors to the beach will find a generously sized, conveniently situated pay-and-display car park, along with toilet facilities. The bay also boasts a charming café and restaurant, perfect for a leisurely lunch or light bite, and rounding off the quintessential seaside experience, there’s an ice-cream kiosk.

A further visitor shared: “Absolutely beautiful. Especially if you’re a tourist hoping to get good photos of a beach. I went alone, and for the most part, I felt completely safe. There are pockets of people and people alone just hoping to enjoy the sun during low tide.”

History and folklore

The bay was once thought to have been an ancient Iron Age hillfort, which subsequently became Dunraven Castle, a structure that has long since disappeared. In its place lie the crumbling ruins of the castle and its former walled garden, tucked away from the shoreline.

The bay is steeped in mysterious legend, notably that of the ‘wreckers of Dunraven’, who were said to have cunningly fastened lanterns to sheep in order to lure passing vessels. They would draw the ships towards Tuskar Rock before swooping in to plunder their cargo.

The most notorious ‘wrecker’ was one Walter Vaughan, who, following tremendous personal loss and financial devastation, turned to ‘wrecking’ out of sheer desperation.

To evade detection, legend suggests that no sailors or boat crew survived the wrecking, as they would routinely kill those onboard once they reached the shore.

Some claim that on the anniversary of his son’s death, Vaughan’s ghost returns to the beach, and those passing by can hear his chilling wails.

Why go now

My favourite way to enter Rione Sanità is by elevator: descending from a bridge into cobblestoned streets buzzing with mopeds and flanked by opulent but decaying 18th-century palazzi. Through the grand doorways of these once noble palaces are courtyards where bakers, butchers, cobblers and the odd contraband cigarette vendor do business.

La Sanità – to the locals – is a thriving working-class district with a grand history. In the 17th century, the Spanish viceroys took a fancy to the area perched on the hill above the dense and crowded streets of the old town. Its name, which translates as “healthy district”, reflected a cleaner reputation (rainfall ran downhill, depositing debris and waste in the historic centre below). They built vast houses here in the 18th century (see Palazzo dello Spagnolo and Palazzo San Felice), with architects vying for attention as the court passed through to Capodimonte, the royal summer residence above the city. Business flourished until Napoleon arrived in the early 19th century, found the route too slow, and built the overpass that eventually suffocated the area and left it fighting for its life.

Emboldened by one too many fatal gang wars and a blighted reputation, local residents came together several years ago to form associations such as Napoli in Vita, with the aim of opening up the area, supporting local business and creating employment. The result is a neighbourhood renaissance led by the community for the community, which has quickly become an example for the whole city in the midst of mass touristification.

Where to eat and drink

Trying the local pizzerias is non-negotiable. It was in La Sanità that Sophia Loren famously kneaded pizza dough in Vittorio De Sica’s film L’oro di Napoli (Gold of Naples); and the award-winning Isabella De Cham runs the city’s first all-female fried pizza spot – her tiny montanare pizzas are loaded with cheese, vegetables and ham.

Pizzeria Oliva da Carla e Salvatore, the locals’ favourite, has a view of the majolica-clad basilica. Concettina ai Tre Santi draws food pilgrims from across the world for head chef Ciro Oliva’s deconstructed pizza and his focus on using the best local producers and ingredients. Wash it down with Vesuvian wine at Antica Cantina Sepe on Via Vergini, a fixture for generations and one of the forces quietly reshaping the neighbourhood by hosting community events and keeping prices affordable and inclusive.

Cultural experiences

There is as much to see below ground in La Sanità as above. In the Hellenistic period, it was a sacred burial ground and beneath the soft tufo stone lies a warren of tunnels and hollowed-out chambers, now home to garages and workshops such as Fonderia Mercogliano, which casts religious objects from metal. The San Gennaro and San Gaudioso catacombs are run by a social cooperative, La Paranza, which employs young people from the neighbourhood and offers a fascinating tour, showing how the ancient populations negotiated death and legacy. The highlight is the Ipogeo dei Cristallini, a Greco-Roman crypt, recently uncovered beneath a 17th-century apartment block, featuring a perfectly intact relief sculpture of Medusa. It’s a marvel.

Where to shop

La Sanità is a den of indulgence, but it is the bakeries that set it apart, each with its own speciality. You can find taralli (crunchy savoury biscuits made with fennel seed and black pepper to accompany a beer) at Panificio Coppola Antonio; a perfectly moist rum babà at Pasticceria Mignone; and for La Sanità’s most famous sweet export head to Pasticceria Poppella for fiocchi di neve (snowflakes), small, soft brioche filled with a secret recipe of cream and ricotta.

Don’t miss

La Sanità has long been home to craftsmen and artists, their workshops tucked into courtyards and up hidden stairways. Omega Guanti has been hand-stitching leather gloves since the Bourbon period for the likes of Dior. Michele Iodice, a celebrated Neapolitan sculptor, works and exhibits from his studio dug into the tufo stone that is in itself a masterpiece. Atelier Alifuoco, a shared studio space, is home to the next generation of the city’s artists.

Where to stay

Casa D’Anna ai Cristallini (doubles from €220) is more sumptuous private home than hotel, where tasteful art lines the walls and photography books are stacked on antique furniture. Down the road, artist Vincenzo Oste and his wife Inès Sellami incorporate art, design and artisan work at their guesthouse Atelier Inès (doubles from €265), inside their newly restored palazzo, set within a leafy courtyard.

Venezuela’s recent Hydrocarbon Law reform has sparked fierce debates about its short- and long-term implications. In this essay, Blas Regnault, an energy policy analyst and researcher, offers an in-depth analysis of the new legislative framework, from the significant changes to the state’s governance over its natural resources to his perspective on a sovereign recovery of the oil industry.

The recent hydrocarbon reform: an overview

It is important to distinguish between two closely connected but analytically separate developments: first, US oversight of Venezuelan oil revenues after Maduro’s kidnapping; and secondly, the new Hydrocarbon Law itself. The first is an externally imposed mechanism that conditions oil sales, revenue collection, transport, and the distribution of oil proceeds to US interests. The second is a domestic legal reform whose constitutionality and political legitimacy have been widely questioned.

It remains unclear whether the new law is fully operative in practice, or whether it is only being applied selectively while its fiscal substance is displaced by the US revenue-control mechanism. ^{But the outcome is largely the same: a loss of fiscal automaticity and a form of fiscal sovereignty under tutelage in relation to Venezuelan oil income.}

In other words, the crisis of governance in the Venezuelan oil sector, together with its chronic lack of transparency since 2017, now culminates in a profound loss of sovereign control over all three dimensions of the business: its rentier dimension, belonging to the nation; its fiscal dimension, belonging to the state; and its shareholder dimension, linked to the role of the state oil company PDVSA as principal participant in extraction and commercialisation.

Therefore, the new law is not simply a technical reform. It is not merely about updating contracts, modernising procedures, or making the sector more attractive to investors. The deeper issue is that the reform changes the way the nation is compensated for the use of the subsoil and therefore alters the very governance of the sector. What is at stake is the relationship between sovereignty, ownership of the subsoil, and public income.

It is true that, on paper, the law formally preserves state ownership over the resource. But the business models it opens weaken the practical substance of that ownership. And that is the crucial point. Ownership is not a decorative legal formula. Ownership means that the state, acting on behalf of the nation, has the right to decide whether the resource remains underground or is extracted; and if it is extracted, under what conditions, with what public charge, and for whose benefit. The recent reform softens the link between ownership and the nation’s participation as owner of the subsoil, turning something that was once grounded in a general rule into something negotiable, adjustable, and highly discretionary.

A useful way of understanding the economic and social significance of the reform is to distinguish the different streams of public income historically associated with oil in Venezuela. Under the former hydrocarbon law, the nation participated in the oil business through three distinct channels: as owner, as tax authority, and as shareholder. The first channel, corresponding to ownership, was royalty. The second was taxation, arising from the state’s fiscal authority over the activity. The third was dividends, arising when the state participated through PDVSA and therefore received income in its capacity as stakeholder rather than as landlord or tax authority.

This distinction matters because the oil business has historically involved different claimants competing over the fruits of extraction. In a sector marked by extraordinary profitability and strategic importance, the owner of the rent, the fiscal authority, and the capitalist operator all seek to maximize their share of the value generated. In the Venezuelan framework that prevailed before 2026, those three roles were clearly present: the nation as owner of the subsoil, the state as fiscal authority, and the operator as capitalist actor. The new law alters the balance between them.

Royalty

The royalty is where the change is most revealing. As already noted, royalty is the clearest expression of ownership. It is paid upfront. It does not depend on profit. It is charged before taxes are assessed and before the remaining income covers the factors of production; that is, wages, interest, profits, and the other claimants on the project. In other words, royalty is not part of the production costs. If the oil price is 100 dollars per barrel and the agreed royalty rate is 30 per cent, the owner receives 30 dollars per barrel straight away. That is the proprietorial logic in its purest form.This has long been a battleground in the global oil industry. The dispute over rent has historically taken place between the operating companies, whether private national oil companies acting as operators, and the owner of the resource, that is, the landlord. Depending on the property-rights regime, that owner may be a private individual, as in parts of Texas, or the state, as in Venezuela and in most oil-exporting countries. Whether in Texas, Alaska, Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Norway, the United Kingdom, Nigeria, or Venezuela, the property-rights regime has been the principal legal instrument through which the owner secures a share of the rent. It is a legitimate exercise of sovereignty, recognised by all parties involved in the global oil business.

And yet the new law, in practical terms, empties out that proprietorial logic by turning royalty into a negotiable variable within a range of zero to 30 per cent, something highly unusual in the global oil business. The potential scale of the loss becomes immediately clear once one thinks in terms of export volumes. At an oil price of 86 dollars per barrel, a 1 per cent royalty leaves the nation with less than one dollar per barrel, whereas a 30 per cent royalty yields 25.8 dollars. If Venezuela exports 800,000 barrels per day, that means roughly 688,000 dollars per day under a 1 per cent royalty, compared with 20.64 million dollars per day under a 30 per cent royalty. This is a dramatic compression of the owner’s income. It shows that a high oil price cannot compensate for the hollowing out of the royalty. Put simply, under the new law, higher oil prices will no longer automatically translate into greater income for the nation if royalties are arbitrarily lowered to the benefit of transnational capital. This is not a marginal fiscal concession; it is a radical compression of the nation’s proprietorial income. 

Taxes

Turning to taxes, under the previous legal framework, the fiscal regime included not only taxes on profits, but also local and municipal taxes on oil activity, together with other parafiscal charges and special contributions linked to extraordinary profits. These different channels gave the public side several routes through which to capture value from extraction. Under the new law, much of that architecture is displaced and compressed into an integrated tax on gross income that will also be set in a discretionary fashion up to a fixed ceiling. According to supporters of the reform, this new framework is designed to ensure the project’s “economic equilibrium.” But the political significance of that shift is considerable. What was previously structured through several distinct legal claims can now be more easily absorbed into a flexible package, negotiated project by project. In that sense, this is not simply simplification; it is a substantial thinning of the fiscal claim. Once the fiscal architecture becomes thinner, the public claim over oil value becomes weaker, more flexible, and ultimately more negotiable.

Table 2 illustrates the magnitude of the change using the March 16, 2026, marker Merey 16 price. Under the previous regime, taxes and parafiscal charges alone could amount to about $31 per barrel, or 36 percent of the barrel price. Under the post-reform interim scenario, that could fall to about $17.6 per barrel, or 20.5 percent.

Dividends

Finally, there are dividends arising from state equity participation, and these too must be distinguished from both royalty and taxation. Dividends are not paid because the nation owns the subsoil, nor are they collected because the state exercises fiscal authority over the activity. They arise because the state participates in the business as shareholder and therefore receives part of the profits in its capacity as investor. In other words, dividends represent the state’s participation in the profits of the business itself. But that income is not necessarily available for immediate public use in the same way as royalty or taxation. Part of it may be retained within the company, used for reinvestment, capital expenditure, debt service, or the wider financial needs of the enterprise. So, unlike royalty, which expresses ownership, or tax, which expresses fiscal authority, dividends are tied to the corporate logic of the business. Depending on the ownership structure, this channel of participation may range, illustratively, from zero to 60 per cent of distributable profits.

International jurisdiction of potential oil litigation

There is also an important jurisdictional dimension. By reducing the fiscal share captured by the state and by placing greater weight on contractual flexibility, the reform moves the sector towards a framework that is more exposed to international arbitration. At the same time, the sanctions and licensing regime has become part of a broader architecture of control over the oil business: control over access to the fields, control over marketing channels, and control over financial access to revenues. So, this is not merely a domestic fiscal reform. It is also part of a broader reordering of the legal and financial chain through which Venezuelan oil is governed.

Key takeaways

Supporters of the new law argue that it delivers increased flexibility, greater operability, improved investment prospects, and greater bankability. And that is not a trivial argument. In a country that has experienced production collapse, sanctions, institutional erosion, and a loss of market share, it is understandable that policymakers would seek a framework that appears more attractive to capital. In that sense, the reform may indeed reduce perceived risk and make projects easier to finance. It may also simplify part of the gross take and make negotiations easier. In that sense, the reform should not be caricatured. But it also entails the abandonment of each of the nation’s and the state’s historic roles in the sector, undermining the institutional fabric that once gave the oil economy a degree of stability and rationality.

For that reason, the disadvantages of the reform ultimately outweigh its potential benefits. What is lost is fiscal automaticity. That means the nation is no longer guaranteed a stable share by rule, but must now negotiate it, justify it, or recover it through more uncertain channels. Put differently, the reform replaces payment-by-rule with payment-by-negotiation on a case-by-case basis. In practical terms, each contract will generate its own conditions over each of the principal sources of public income arising from oil activity.

What is also lost is the clarity of a system in which the state charges because it owns the resource, not because the project happens to be commercially convenient. Once royalties become variable and fiscal terms are subordinated to the “economic equilibrium” of the project, the centre of gravity shifts. The guiding principle is no longer the nation as sovereign owner; it becomes the financial viability for the investor/operator. That is a profound political change presented as technical pragmatism.

In summary: the 2026 reform does not abolish formal ownership, but it hollows it out in practice. It replaces a more proprietorial fiscal logic with a more contractualized and discretionary one. That may attract investment, but it also weakens the automatic link between national ownership and national income. Whatever mechanism one chooses to emphasize, the result is much the same: 

• The nation no longer receives royalty by rule, but under externally conditioned arrangements. What is presented as flexibility is a retreat from ownership. 
• The state compresses its fiscal participation at every level. 
• The state oil company weakens its position as an investor. 

Once that happens, the central question is no longer simply, “How much is the state collecting?” but rather “Who decides, under what rules, with what traceability, and with what accountability?”

The historical context of Venezuela’s oil legislation

Venezuela’s oil history is not just a history of contracts or companies; it is a history of how the nation has tried to define its authority over the subsoil. Venezuela did not begin from the same position as many oil-exporting countries in West Asia or North Africa. It was already an independent republic when it developed its mining and hydrocarbons legislation. That matters, because it means Venezuela built a national jurisdictional framework around state ownership of mines and deposits, rather than inheriting a colonial concessionary order imposed from outside. That distinction is central.

From the early twentieth century onwards, successive legal frameworks progressively consolidated the republic’s sovereign claim over oil-bearing land. In other words, Venezuelan oil law was historically moving towards a more explicit assertion of the nation’s right to charge for the extraction of its natural wealth. This is one reason Venezuela mattered so much internationally: not only because it was a major producer, but because it became a reference point for fiscal regimes and sovereign oil governance, including later in the wider OPEC environment. In that sense, Venezuela’s experience was historically complete in a way that few other oil-producing countries were.

Nevertheless, there is a paradox surrounding the 1975-1976 nationalization of the oil industry. On paper, it ought to have marked the culmination of national control, but it did not deepen sovereignty. In practice, it helped produce a shift towards a more internationalized governance structure. The Ministry, as representative of the owner-nation, was gradually displaced by state oil company PDVSA, and PDVSA increasingly operated under a logic of global business rather than one of public sovereign rule. So instead of the owner-state speaking directly, the national oil company became the intermediary, and that had long-term consequences. Put differently, PDVSA, together with international oil capital, gained ground in the long struggle to reduce the landlord’s direct grip over rent.

This is where the historical relationship with Western transnational corporations becomes more nuanced than a simple story of foreign domination versus nationalist resistance. The issue is not merely the presence of Western companies, but the governance structures they operate under. Venezuela moved from a more classic proprietorial regime towards a more cessionary one, and later, especially in the late 1980s and 1990s, towards more liberal or non-proprietorial arrangements. The oil opening (“Apertura Petrolera”) of the 1990s is especially important here, because it reduced the fiscal burden and shifted the framework in a way that centralized the operator’s conditions. That was already a major break.

The Chávez years brought a partial reversal. The restoration of the property right was not merely ideological posturing; it was a restoration of a more classical fiscal logic, in which the sovereign character of the state take was reaffirmed. But that restoration took place amid other contradictions, including the politicization of PDVSA and the accumulation of debt. So even that phase did not resolve the deeper institutional tensions.

The 2026 reform, then, does not emerge from nowhere. It is a new chapter of a long historical movement: from national jurisdiction, to nationalization, to cessionary governance, to the oil opening, to partial reassertion, to crisis and collapse, and now to a new form of contractualization from a position of weakness. Venezuela’s oil history has been a struggle not simply over who owns the oil, but over who governs the terms on which ownership is exercised. The present reform is the latest chapter in that struggle, but it is a particularly radical one because it comes after institutional erosion and under a global order that is far more contractual, litigious, and externally structured than the one Venezuela faced in the mid-twentieth century.

Oil in the present geopolitical battle

The current geopolitical context of the US-Israeli aggression against Iran should, in principle, strengthen Venezuela’s bargaining position. When West Asia becomes more unstable, supply security rises as a strategic concern, and oil regains immediate geopolitical urgency, countries with large reserves and an established production history become more valuable. 

Venezuela has occupied that position before. Venezuelan oil played an important strategic role for the Allies during the Second World War, for example. Today, renewed disruption around Iran and the Strait of Hormuz has again tightened the market and raised the geopolitical value of accessible barrels.

That is precisely why the current outcome appears so paradoxical. If global conditions improve Venezuela’s leverage, one would expect the country to negotiate from a stronger position and to demand a larger participation. One would expect a legal framework that captures more rent, not less; that uses geopolitical scarcity to reinforce state take, not to dilute it. But the current reform, alongside the sequence of deals with foreign conglomerates, and combined with US control over revenues, seem to move in the opposite direction.

This leads to the second point: the geopolitical issue is not only price or supply. It is also about control. What is emerging is a form of sovereignty under tutelage. Venezuela may formally remain the owner of the resource, but effective control over commercialization, revenue channels, and external validation appears increasingly conditioned from outside. Whether one calls that tutelage, external supervision, or subordinated reintegration, the takeaway is the same: sovereignty over the resource is no longer identical to sovereignty over the business. Recent US licenses illustrate the point very clearly. Washington has opened the door to renewed oil transactions with PDVSA, but under Treasury oversight and with proceeds channelled into US-administered accounts. That is not normal sovereign control over national oil income.

This is where the distinction between the origin and the destination of rent becomes especially useful. Even before we ask what is done with oil income socially or politically, we first need to know how that income is generated: through what pricing, what discounts, what fiscal structure, and through which payment channels. If that first level is opaque, then both the origin and the destination of rent become politically indeterminate. In other words, the problem is not only that the country may receive less revenue. The problem is that the country may not even be able to clearly verify what it is owed, how, and why. That is a much deeper sovereignty problem.

As a result, a geopolitical context that would, in theory, favor Venezuela, sees the country re-entering global markets with weakened sovereignty, under a framework of greater flexibility for operators and less certainty for the nation. That is why the debate is no longer only about production volumes or export flows. The real debate is about the jurisdictional and political order that now governs Venezuelan oil: who authorizes, who commercializes, who arbitrates disputes, who tracks the proceeds, and who answers to the country.

What does a sovereign recovery look like?

Moving from critique to programme is difficult, and the first honest thing to say is that no one can predict the exact path ahead. Venezuela is emerging from collapse, sanctions, loss of market share, institutional erosion, and a deep social crisis. Any recovery scenario, therefore, is bound to be politically fraught. But one thing is clear: if the country does not rebuild the public intelligibility of oil income, then any so-called recovery may simply reproduce opacity, distrust, inequality, and social tension.

A sovereign recovery does not mean autarky. It does not mean excluding foreign firms, nor does it mean mechanically returning to an earlier model. It means something more precise: restoring the link between ownership, public rule, and accountable income capture. In other words, if the nation owns the resource, then the nation must be able to know, verify, and govern how value is extracted from it. That means transparency over net prices, discounts, taxes, royalties, exemptions, payment channels, and the destination of funds. Without that, there can be no recovery in any meaningful sovereign sense. It would simply be resumed extraction.

A sovereign recovery also requires stripping away some of the ideological confusion that usually surrounds debates on natural resources. As Bernard Mommer argued more than twenty years ago, the governance of natural resources is, in many ways, a more elementary question than the conventional left-right divide suggests. In the case of oil and minerals, the deeper divide is above versus below. It is the tension between those who live and work on the surface (the nation, society, the public realm) and those who make their living from the subsoil.

That is why the question of ownership comes before the question of distribution, that is, before the question of what is done with the income generated by oil activity. Only after establishing the governance over the resource and the rules over its extraction does the familiar left-right question properly arise: how that income is used, whether for social spending, public services, etc., or private accumulation. 

The first step, then, is transparency. Not as a slogan, but as an institutional obligation. Who is selling? At what net price? Under what discounts? With what deductions? Paid where? Audited by whom? These are not minor administrative questions. They are the very mechanics of sovereignty in an extractive economy. If the country cannot answer them, then the state is no longer exercising full command over its principal source of income.

The second step is to move away from excessive discretion and back towards intelligible general rules. Contracts will always matter in oil. But there is a difference between contracts operating within a strong public framework and contracts effectively replacing public rule. Once everything becomes negotiable in the name of investment or “economic equilibrium,” the public realm shrinks and the executive realm expands. That is politically dangerous in any country, but especially in one where oil historically underpinned a broader social pact.

The third step is to reconnect oil income with social legitimacy. This is not an abstract issue. It is whether oil wealth translates to salaries, living standards, public services, social protection, and some minimum sense of collective benefit. If the country enters a new extractive cycle in which more oil is produced but public income remains narrow, opaque, or externally conditioned, then social tensions are likely to intensify rather than diminish. That is why a sovereign recovery cannot be measured by production figures alone. It must be judged by whether the nation regains an intelligible and legitimate claim over the income stream.

In simple terms, the average Venezuelan citizen is aware of fluctuations in crude prices because they know they affect the national budget. Oil income is widely and legitimately perceived as income belonging to the nation, and therefore as something that ought to support public services and collective welfare. Even when that income is later misused (through corruption, clientelism, or mismanagement) the underlying perception remains: oil revenue belongs to all Venezuelans.

That is also why the current situation can be described as one of sovereignty under tutelage. The country may still be sovereign in formal terms, yet it operates under external supervision in practical terms. Unless that gap is closed, the language of recovery will remain politically fragile.

Blas Regnault is an oil market analyst and researcher based in The Hague, whose work explores how oil prices move across time and what they tell us about the global economy. Drawing on years of experience in central banking, energy research, and international consulting, he brings together political economy, business cycles, production costs, and petroleum governance in a way that is both rigorous and accessible.

He has spent much of his career studying the deeper forces behind oil price trends and fluctuations, always with an eye on the institutional and geopolitical realities of the global petroleum market. Later this year, he will publish his book, Political Economy of Oil Prices: Trends and Business Cycles in the Global Petroleum Market, with Routledge.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect those of the Venezuelanalysis editorial staff.

SAG-AFTRA and the Alliance of Motion Picture and Television Producers have landed on a new tentative contract.

The actors union’s new agreement with the trade group that negotiates with Hollywood unions on behalf of the major studios will reportedly improve AI protections and boost the guild’s pension fund. Similar to the pact the Writers Guild reached with the studios last month, SAG-AFTRA’s contract will last four years instead of the usual three.

SAG-AFTRA confirmed the tentative deal on Saturday. The union said in a statement that “specific details will not be released” until the SAG-AFTRA National Board reviews its terms.

The contract is set to cover workers who are involved in motion pictures, scripted primetime dramatic television, streaming content and new media.

The actors union began negotiations with the studios in February and extended those talks in March, but paused to allow the AMPTP to finish negotiations with the writers union. Negotiations resumed April 27 and ended May 2.

The tentative contract still needs to be voted on by its members — SAG-AFTRA represents more than 160,000 actors, broadcast journalists, dancers, DJs, stunt performers, voice-over artists and other entertainment professionals.

The union’s current contract is set to expire June 30. SAG-AFTRA joins WGA as the latest Hollywood union to strike a deal with the studios.

The Directors Guild of America is the last union that still needs to reach an agreement with the studios. Negotiation sessions with AMPTP will begin on May 11, as its contract is set to expire on June 30.

Published on
04/05/2026 – 7:15 GMT+2

Crude prices were slightly lower ahead of European markets opening as traders digested comments from US President Donald Trump that Washington would help ships leave the Strait of Hormuz from today. Iran, however, has rejected the plan.

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At the time of writing, the price of a barrel of US benchmark crude (WTI) was down 0.28% to $101.65 a barrel, while Brent crude, the international standard, edged down 0.06% to $108.10 a barrel.

Much hinges now on progress towards ending the war with Iran and unlocking the bottleneck through the Strait of Hormuz.

The oil market “remains the fulcrum, with hundreds of tankers, bulk carriers, and cargo ships still stranded across the Gulf, idling as storage constraints force producers to shut … production simply because there is nowhere left to store it,” Stephen Innes of SPI Asset Management said in a commentary note.

Trump said what he called “Project Freedom” would begin Monday morning in the Middle East. The US Central Command said it would involve guided-missile destroyers, more than 100 aircraft and 15,000 service members, but the Pentagon did not immediately answer questions about how they would be deployed.

Asia-Pacific and US markets

In Asian share trading overnight, Hong Kong’s Hang Seng jumped 1.4% to 26,135.47. Markets in mainland China and Japan were closed for “Golden Week” holidays. In Australia, the S&P/ASX 200 slipped 0.3% to 8,704.70.

Strong buying of tech stocks pushed shares in South Korea sharply higher, as the Kospi gained 3.8%. Taiwan’s Taiex surged 4.2%.

On Friday, the S&P 500 climbed 0.3% to another all-time high of 7,230.12, closing out a fifth straight winning week. The Dow Jones Industrial Average dipped 0.3% to 49,499.27, and the Nasdaq composite added 0.9% to a record close of 25,114.44.

Apple led the way after delivering better profit than expected. Because it’s one of Wall Street’s biggest stocks in terms of overall size, its rally of 3.3% was by far the strongest force lifting the S&P 500.

Stock prices generally follow the path of corporate profits over the long term, and US companies have been exceeding expectations for earnings in the first three months of 2026. That’s even with the war with Iran and high oil prices souring confidence for many US households.

Strong earnings boost S&P 500

A little more than a quarter of the companies in the S&P 500 have reported already, and 84% of them have topped analysts’ estimates, according to FactSet. The index is on track to deliver roughly 15% growth in profit from a year earlier.

The main uncertainty for the global economy is where oil prices are heading because of the Iran war. Oil prices moved higher last week on worries that the war might keep the Strait of Hormuz closed for a long time, trapping oil tankers pent up in the Persian Gulf instead of delivering crude to customers worldwide.

Brent was selling for a little more than $70 per barrel before the war began, and soaring prices helped the two biggest U.S. oil companies report stronger profit for the latest quarter than analysts expected. But stock prices nevertheless fell for both Exxon Mobil, 1%, and Chevron, 1.4%, as oil prices regressed Friday and each reported drops in net income from a year earlier.

In other dealings early Monday, the dollar rose to 157.18 Japanese yen from 156.80 yen. The euro fell to $1.1724 from $1.1746.

GULF SHORES, Ala. — Sally Perez and Maggie Boyd won the clincher as UCLA swept top-seeded Stanford 3-0 on Sunday to win the Bruins’ third NCAA beach volleyball championship.

Perez and Boyd wrapped up the Bruins’ first championship since winning back-to-back titles in 2018-19, beating the Cardinal’s Kelly Belardi and Avery Jackson 21-11, 21-19.

Kaley Mathews and Ensley Alden got third-seeded UCLA (33-6) off and running with a 21-16, 21-11 victory over Brooke Rockwell and Ruby Sorra.

Ava Williamson and Jesse Dueck gave the Bruins a 2-0 lead in the closest match of the day, beating Indigo Clarke and Clara Stowell 21-17, 25-23.

The UCLA tandems of Alexa Fernandez and Harper Cooper as well as Kenzie Brower and Mallory LaBreche were also winning their matches when they became unnecessary.

It was the first championship for UCLA coach Jenny Johnson Jordan, who took the reins in 2023. Stein Metzger led the Bruins to their first two titles. Johnson earned her 100th career win when the Bruins beat No. 2 Texas 3-2 in their semifinal on Saturday.

Stanford (39-4) was aiming for its first championship, advancing to the title match under coach Andrew Fulller with a 3-1 victory over No. 5 Florida State in the semifinals.

UCLA beat No. 2 Texas 3-2 in the other semifinal.

USC has won six of 10 championships since the event began in 2016.

TCU ended a four-year run by the Trojans last season when the Horned Frogs beat Loyola Marymount for the title. The tournament wasn’t played in 2019 because of the COVID-19 pandemic.

Two activists from the Global Sumud Flotilla arrived in the Netherlands after being released from Israeli custody. The flotilla was intercepted in international waters while carrying aid to the Gaza Strip. Two of their fellow activists remain in Israel for questioning.

According to pest control, people should routinely check their luggage for warning signs

Many people will be heading home today after a bank holiday weekend getaway. While travellers often take great care when packing, it’s quite common to spend far less time unpacking – simply tipping the contents of your suitcase straight into the wash.

Throwing your clothes in the washing machine as soon as you arrive home is a sensible idea. However, there is another crucial step everyone is urged to take when emptying their luggage. Holidaymakers are advised to check their suitcases carefully for signs of any unwelcome guests, such as bed bugs.

The advice comes from James Rhoades, the founder of ThermoPest, a pest control firm specialising in bed bug treatment and registered with the British Pest Control Association. James says frequent travellers should check their suitcase as part of their routine whenever they return from a holiday.

The tip could help to prevent issues year-round, but it could be especially helpful for travellers to get into the habit now, ahead of the summer holidays. He explained: “During hot weather, bed bugs become more active and need to feed more frequently.

“They get all their hydration from blood, so a warm, humid summer gives them the perfect opportunity to bite. With people wearing lighter sleepwear or using thinner sheets, there’s less of a barrier between the bugs and their food source – us.

“There’s also typically a rise in cases after holiday periods, as bed bugs can easily be brought back hidden in suitcases or laundry. Once inside, they spread quickly, so early detection and prevention are key.”

Fortunately, there are steps people can take to minimise the risk when they arrive at their holiday and when they return home. “Hotels, guest houses, and short-term rentals can become hotspots for bed bugs during peak travel periods. Before unpacking, check the seams of the mattress, headboard, and upholstered furniture for telltale signs such as tiny rust-coloured spots or shed skins.

“Keep luggage elevated on racks rather than placing it directly on the floor to reduce the chance of bed bugs crawling into your belongings. You could also store clothes in sealed bags inside your suitcase for added protection and to make it harder for bugs to hitch a ride home,” says James.

When it is time to return home, it’s recommended that you unpack your clothes straight into the machine and carefully inspect your suitcase. James claims: “Returning home is one of the most common times for bed bugs to be introduced into your living space. As soon as you arrive back, unpack directly into the washing machine and wash everything on a hot cycle.

“Visually inspect your suitcase inside and out, paying close attention to pockets, seams, and linings for any signs of bed bugs such as dark spots, shed skins, or live insects. If you travel frequently, making this a routine step can help you spot potential issues early before they spread.”

US President Donald Trump has announced ‘Project Freedom’, a naval mission to escort stranded ships through the Strait of Hormuz starting Monday, warning any interference will be met “forcefully”. The move comes amid a fragile US-Iran truce, with Tehran warning it would treat US intervention as a breach.

Singer Alex Ligertwood, best known for providing lead vocals for Santana over several decades, has died. He was 79.

Ligertwood’s wife and agent, Shawn Brogan, announced in a Saturday evening Facebook post that the vocalist died at his Santa Monica home.

“It’s with great sadness and heartache to announce the passing of my sweet dear Alex Ligertwood, my husband of 25 years, we knew each other for 36 years,” Brogan wrote. “Alex passed peacefully in his sleep with his doggy Bobo by his side yesterday.”

Ligertwood’s cause of death was not revealed.

Alex Ligertwood, left, and Jorge Santana of the band Santana perform Oct. 9, 1993, at Shoreline Amphitheater in Mountain View, Calif.

(Tim Mosenfelder / Getty Images)

“Alex was loved by so many. If you knew him, you loved him. He touched so many with his extraordinary voice. He was all heart and soul,” Brogan’s statement continued. “His favorite thing in life was to make music, sing and to share his gift with us. He performed his last show just two weeks ago. I’m grateful for that. He did it his way, on his terms, till the end.”

The singer had five separate stints as Santana’s lead vocalist between 1979 and 1994.

He famously served as the group’s singer when it performed at Live Aid in 1985. His voice was notably featured on the tracks “You Know That I Love You,” “Winning,” “All I Ever Wanted” and “Hold On.”

Ligertwood also co-wrote such songs as “Somewhere in Heaven” and “Make Somebody Happy,” among others.

Aside from his contributions to Santana, Ligertwood played alongside guitar legend Jeff Beck as part of the Jeff Beck Group in the early ‘70s. He also played in jazz-rock keyboardist Brian Auger’s band Oblivion Express.

Auger, who has played with Rod Stewart and Jimi Hendrix, paid tribute to Ligertwood in a Facebook post Saturday evening.

“To me, Alex aka ‘Wee Eck’ was simply the best singer to ever do it. In all my years of music, I never heard anyone who possessed that kind of range or that effortless, carefree ability to soar through a melody. He didn’t just sing songs; he lived them,” Auger wrote. “The world feels much quieter today without his voice, and I will miss my friend more than words can say. The big band in the sky just got infinitely better with Alex’s arrival.”

The singer also appeared on records with French jazz group Troc in the 1970s, American rock band the Dregs in the 1980s, and the Grateful Dead spinoff project Go Ahead in the late 1980s.

Ligertwood was born in Glasgow, Scotland, on Dec. 18, 1946.

He grew up in a musical household as his father was an amateur drummer. His earliest musical influences were the swooning Motown singers of the ‘50s and ‘60s, including Otis Redding, Sam Cooke and Marvin Gaye. He first performed as a vocalist as part of his school’s choir and at family events.

May 3 (UPI) — Former New York Mayor Rudy Giuliani has been hospitalized and is in critical condition, his spokesman said Sunday.

Giuliani “is currently in the hospital, where he remains in critical but stable condition,” Ted Goodman said in a statement.

“Mayor Giuliani is a fighter who has faced every challenge in his life with unwavering strength, and he’s fighting with that same strength now. We do ask that you join us in prayer for America’s Mayor Rudy Giuliani.”

Goodman did not say why Giuliani, 81, was hospitalized.

The former mayor’s condition was also noted by President Donald Trump, who wrote on his Truth Social platform, “True Warrior, and the Best Mayor in the History of New York City, BY FAR.”

Trump also took the occasion to praise his political ally and former lawyer, who served as one of the key figures in the president’s baseless campaign attacking the results of his 2020 election loss to Joe Biden as “rigged.”

“They cheated on the Elections, fabricated hundreds of stories, did anything possible to destroy our Nation, and now, look at Rudy. So sad!” Trump wrote.

Trump in November pardoned Giuliani and 76 others tied to his efforts to overturn the 2020 election, including participation in what has become known as the fake electors scheme. The strategy involved the creation of false slates of pro-Trump electors in every battleground state that he lost to Biden, including Georgia.

The former mayor’s championing of Trump’s claims also resulted in his own financial troubles.

In September, he reached a confidential settlement with Dominion Voting Systems, which had filed a $1.3 billion defamation lawsuit against him for his allegations the company rigged the 2020 presidential election.

Giuliani was previously disbarred as a lawyer in New York and Washington, D.C.