The provided text details the history and significance of the Day of the Glories of the Chilean Army, a national holiday celebrated annually on September 19th. This observance originated from military parades that began in 1810 and was formally established as a holiday in 1915 to honor the bravery of soldiers throughout the nation’s history. The source highlights key historical milestones, such as the creation of the National Army and the development of O’Higgins Park, which serves as the traditional site for modern military exercises. Additionally, the text clarifies that this event is distinct from the Chilean Navy’s specific commemorative day held in May. Today, the holiday serves as a tribute to the professionalism … 

Israel’s bitter political divisions are particularly sharp before the country’s October elections. But the furious response to a new documentary about the military’s actions in the genocidal war on Gaza has revealed an issue that much of Israel’s political and media establishment appears united on.

Few of the central allegations in NAZA, made by Israeli filmmakers Yuval Abraham and Rachel Szor, are new. Reports that the Israeli military was relying on artificial intelligence systems to generate targets in Gaza, often killing the inhabitants of entire buildings to kill just one individual identified by the system, were reported in April 2024.

Other accusations against Israel, such as committing genocide, deliberately causing a famine, and unlawfully killing children, have also not received much attention in Israel.

In contrast, NAZA has unleashed a litany of abuse from across Israel, and brought the allegations to the centre of Israel’s political debate.

Culture Minister Miki Zohar reacted to the film’s premiere at the Venice Film Festival – where it received a 25-minute standing ovation – by calling for the directors to be stripped of their citizenship and to be investigated by the internal intelligence service for treason.

Army chief Eyal Zamir has dismissed the film as being built on blood libel and ordered a legal probe to hunt down its military and intelligence sources.

Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu also cited the film when advancing legislation to revoke citizenship from anyone deemed to be smearing the country’s soldiers, while in the coastal city of Ashdod, graffiti branding the directors “traitors” has appeared on the walls.

“You can’t really understand the extent of the madness from outside of the country,” Orly Noy, an editor at Local Call, which first carried many of the accusations contained in the film, said. “They’re attacking the friends and families of [the filmmakers] Yuval Abraham and Rachel Szor. They’re talking about revoking their citizenship. They’re asking the Shin Bet to investigate them – for making a film, and it isn’t just the politicians. Journalists, who you might expect to show some kind of solidarity with them, are competing to attack them. It’s scary.”

Denial

In late 2025, the Committee to Protect Journalists reported escalating censorship and harassment in Israel, with Israeli journalists telling the organisation that the media’s approach had become “part of the war effort” and, by extension, significantly shaped Israeli view of their war on Gaza.

In October 2025, a study by the Israeli think tank Molad found that only 3 percent of Channel 12’s coverage of the first six months of the war mentioned Gaza’s humanitarian crisis. Of 206 war-related images and video clips broadcast by the network, Israel’s most-watched channel, only two showed Palestinian civilian casualties.

Nevertheless, before the film’s release, polls found that most Israelis believed the coverage they were receiving of the military’s conduct in Gaza was balanced.

“I guess it was because the mainstream media outlets in Israel did not investigate the conduct of the army during the war in Gaza, and hardly covered the war from the Palestinian point of view,” Anat Saragusti, the Israeli jurist and journalist responsible for press freedom at the Union of Journalists in Israel, said of the shock that had accompanied the release of the film. “[The Israeli media] hardly reported on the human toll and the scale of the humanitarian crisis in Gaza.”

Compounding the gap, Saragusti said, was a deep-seated national narrative: that the war had been imposed on Israel, that Hamas had carried out a massacre on October 7, 2023, and that Hamas’s use of civilians as human shields made mass casualties in Gaza all but unavoidable.

Palestinian deaths, in this telling, were framed less as the product of Israeli conduct than as collateral damage forced on Israel by its enemy’s tactics, she said.

Lynch mobs

“Even journalists that usually support the anti-Netanyahu bloc have criticised the filmmakers,” Israeli political sociologist Daniel Bar-Tal said.

“Israeli Jews deny the genocide,” he continued, “Even all the opposition parties joined the vicious criticism of the filmmakers.”

The language used against the filmmakers has been echoed by some of Netanyahu’s most prominent political rivals.

On Monday, former military chief and one of Netanyahu’s principal rivals Gadi Eisenkot denounced the film for “moral blindness, a detachment from reality, and harm to the State of Israel in a difficult hour”.

Former Prime Minister Naftali Bennett, who is also running in October’s election, called the film a “horrific blood libel against our sons and daughters”.

“Everything gets heightened the closer to the election we get,” Noy said. “But I think only now, for those of us who live here, is the extent of the fascism becoming clear. Journalists, politicians and the media are forming some kind of incitement machine.”

“I’ve had anxieties over where Israel had been going for a long time,” she said, “but right now I’m genuinely worried for my friends and colleagues.”

KATIE Price has made her modelling comeback as she walked the runway at London Fashion Week in a tiny waistcoat that barely contained her biggest ever boobs.

The reality star surprised fans as she made an appearance at Natasha Zinko’s London Fashion Week show X OnlyFans show in Islington, London, last night.

The 48-year-old strutted her stuff on the catwalk at Collins Music Hall as she flaunted the results of her latest boob job.

Katie was seen wearing a pair of satin shorts and a matching cropped black waistcoat that struggled to contain her assets.

The skimpy ensemble showed off her long legs and large collection of tattoos.

Katie, who is no stranger to going under the knife, underwent her latest boob job just weeks ago in Brussels.

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After being left with one boob slightly larger than the other, Katie went in for corrective surgery and ended up asking the surgeons to make them even bigger.

The former glamour model, who went by the alias Jordan during her page three days, has now made a dramatic comeback and she was loving every minute of it.

Katie recently dumped her conman husband Lee Andrews by text after discovering the crypto account he claimed had contained £37m had just £2.20 in it.

She appeared on Good Morning Britain earlier this week and confessed she’s had enough of Lee’s lies.

Jailed Lee sent a voicenote to the show in which he criticised his wife for speaking out about him and said “divorce is probably for the best”. He also said Katie wasn’t tech-savvy and had looked in the wrong account, insisting he is a multi-millionaire.

Lee is still behind bars in Dubai’s Al Awir prison as Katie prepares for what could be showbiz’s messiest divorce.

JSerra converted on three fourth downs in the second half Friday, allowing the Lions to battle back from a seven-point, first-half deficit to beat host Bishop Amat 37-28.

With the nonleague victory, JSerra improves to 4-1, while Bishop Amat falls to 4-1.

JSerra quarterback Hayes Cloutier, who threw for two touchdowns and rushed for three, engineered all three second-half conversions, two with his legs and one with his arm.

The first, and most impressive, came on the Lions’ first possession of the half. Trailing 28-21 and facing fourth and three on the Bishop Amat 27-yard line, Cloutier zigged and zagged across the field, eluding most of the defense.

After the Lions tied the score, sophomore defensive back Sean Veritch snagged a deflected pass by Bishop Amat quarterback Domenico Doran, and the Lions drove to the Lancers’ 16-yard line. On fourth and 10, Evan Leddy kicked a 33-yard field goal to give JSerra an apparent 31-28 lead, but the Lions accepted a penalty on Bishop Amat that moved the ball to the 11-yard line.

JSerra coach Hardy Nickerson opted to go for it on fourth down, and Cloutier rewarded his gamble, scoring on an 11-yard run. Leddy’s extra point was blocked, and JSerra settled for a 34-28 lead.

JSerra High quarterback Hayes Cloutier leaps as he tries to evade a tackle by a Bishop Amat defenders.

(Nick Koza)

The Lions’ defense, which had given up scores on four of Bishop Amat’s five first-half possessions, then stiffened, forcing the Lancers to punt. With about two minutes remaining in the third quarter, the Lions reeled off a 23-play drive, which included four JSerra penalties and ate up more than 10 minutes.

A 22-yard run by Cloutier was key, as was his four-yard completion to Clark Cokely on a fourth-and-two play. The drive ended with a 44-yard field goal by Leddy that gave JSerra a 37-28 lead.

After surrendering 28 first-half points, JSerra held Bishop Amat scoreless, and running back Justin Clinton, who rushed for more than 130 yards, including a 67-yard burst and a 43-yard touchdown, in check in the second half.

“It was a heavyweight fight,” Nickerson said of the first half. “But my defensive staff just put it together in the second. We turned things up and made adjustments.

“We knew that if we could get in the throwing lanes and forced them to have to pass the football … we felt we would have a chance. And those guys went out and executed the second half and it was beautiful.”

The Iranian lender has faced years of Western sanctions over alleged ties to Tehran’s nuclear programme.

Turkiye’s banking watchdog has revoked the operating licence of Iranian lender Bank Mellat’s branch in the Turkish city of Istanbul.

“It has been decided to revoke the operating licence of Bank Mellat, Head Office in Tehran, Istanbul Turkey Central Branch,” read the decision by the Banking Regulation and Supervision Agency (BDDK), published in the Official Gazette on Saturday.

The regulator said the decision was taken under a clause of Turkiye’s banking law allowing a bank’s licence to be revoked or withdrawn if its continued operation is deemed to pose a risk to depositors’ rights or to the security and stability of the financial system.

Bank Mellat has been subject to Western sanctions for years over accusations that Tehran was pursuing a nuclear weapon under the cover of a civil nuclear programme.

Those sanctions were lifted as part of a landmark 2015 deal between Tehran and world powers to curb Iran’s nuclear ambitions. However, the United States unilaterally pulled out of the agreement in May 2018, reimposing economic sanctions on the country.

Bank Mellat was hit by further US and Gulf sanctions in 2019 after being named as one of 25 entities linked to Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC).

The Turkish notice did not cite the US measures or specify operational issues.

Earlier this month, the US Treasury Department imposed sanctions on a small Turkish investment bank and two subsidiaries over alleged ties to Iran.

The Treasury Department accused Golden Global Yatirim Bankasi Anonim Sirketi (Golden Global Bank) of facilitating “tens of millions of dollars’ worth of transactions for the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps-Qods Force” and providing the Iranian government with banking access to move its funds internationally.

Golden Global Bank has denied the accusations.

TWO years ago, Cat Deeley was in a very different place to where she is now.

The TV presenter, 49, who had replaced Holly Willoughby on This Morning in March, was grappling with a punishing work schedule, the pressure to save the ITV show from its tarnished reputation and a marriage faltering under the pressure of two “tricky” work schedules.

In the three month period she became tearful three times on screen, and appeared at times “visibly overwhelmed.”

And speaking five months after stepping into her new hosting role, she admitted the scrutiny she was under had “shocked her.”

However, the popular star has rebuilt her life after her divorce from Patrick Kielty, 55, with a second National Television Award under her belt with This Morning, a series of lucrative commercial deals and new man Charlie Coleman, who she hopes to spend Christmas with.

And friends of the star this week told how ex Patrick’s new relationship with businesswoman Michelle McManus – the pair were seen cosying up at a North London boozer – is the icing on the cake – saying she told them: “She seems nice, and she is doing me a favour, he’s a better person when he’s happy.”

One said: “Cat’s attitude is: ‘Good luck to them. At the end of the day, that’s the whole point of separating in the first place.’

“She is genuinely happy for him, and knows it’s good for them that he’s happy and positive.

“Cat herself is in a great place and that’s where she wants to stay.

“She and Charlie are getting on really well and are already talking about spending this Christmas together, though they will have to work out the practicalities as she and Paddy share the childcare arrangements 50/50.”

Former So You Think You Can Dance? host Cat – who swapped her $5 million family home in Beverly Hills for a £4.9 million five-bedroom house in Hampstead in 2020 – joined This Morning during a period of extreme turbulence.

Former host Phillip Schofield had quit ITV in May after an “unwise but not illegal” affair with a younger co-worker was revealed.

Holly, who appeared on This Morning for 14 years prior to her exit, stepped back from the spotlight in October, following stalker Gavin Plumb’s terrifying plot to kidnap, rape and murder the TV star being uncovered.

Plumb was jailed for life in July following an eight-day trial.

Against this challenging backdrop, Cat and Ben Shephard, 51, took the reins of the popular daytime show.

Sources told how the pair appealed to bosses as a “safe pair of hands” who could steer them out of a crisis.

But even her early interviews showed signs she feared wading in too deep, as she said: “If it gets too much for me, I’m going to quit. I don’t need to do it – I could be a mum for most of the year and go and do the shows in America.”

And in one interview she opened up about juggling work and motherhood: “I do the juggle – the juggle is real, the struggle is real. You know, we know, we’re all just trying to make everything work. It’s all a juggle.”

Cat shares two sons, Milo and James, with ex husband Patrick – who she was married to for almost 13 years before they announced their split in July 2025.

But sources say the fault lines had appeared in late 2023, when the pair were struggling to balance their schedules.

Patrick – the host of RTE‘s The Late Late Show in Ireland – commuted to film the show in Dublin, while Cat’s So You Think You Can Dance? schedule had also created issues, requiring her to jet back to the US for long stretches.

Her move back to UK television was supposed to lessen the pressure on the duo – one of TV’s power couples.

But fans noticed that the star appeared increasingly emotional on the This Morning set.

In March 2024, just days after she joined as host, Cat burst into tears backstage upon meeting Buddy, an autism assistant puppy introduced to the studio.

She explained to viewers that meeting Buddy triggered her grief over losing her family dog, Lilly, the previous summer.

Weeks later in April, while introducing guest Kerry Irving – whose late springer spaniel Max had helped him overcome depression – Cat broke down in tears and had to ask co-host Ben to take over reading her lines.

And two months later Cat fought back tears during an interview with the family of William Reckless, eight, who had to have both of his legs and nine fingers amputated due to a severe battle with sepsis and scarlet fever.

Her 48th birthday broadcast in October also caused the presenter to break down in tears, after she was surprised by a recorded message from British poet Pam Ayres – who she said had inspired her as a child.

But 2025 seemed to bring a more positive standpoint – and a bombshell, as Cat and Patrick announced their divorce in July.

Both were keen to insist that they remained amicable, and stressed that no third parties were involved in their decision to split.

They also made clear their intention to share the parenting of their children, Milo, 10, and James, eight.

A few months later, September brought an incredible boost for the star – when This Morning won the National TV Award for Daytime, after the repeated scandals engulfing the programme had seen it lose the title in 2023 and 2024.

After the cast and crew were seen going wild in the audience, Cat said on stage: “We are so lucky to get to do this show, we all love it.

“Every single person who comes on, we love this show and it’s like having a family.”

Sources told how the award was “a shot in the arm” for the entire team behind the show – appearing to signal they were back on track.

And in the months to follow, Cat was to build up a relationship with Amazon MGM exec Charlie Coleman – who she was spotted with at a Hyde Park Lewis Capaldi gig in July.

Two months later, she spoke out about how she was thriving as a single mum – saying it was about being “as organised as you can be.”

She also admitted she had an “amazing nanny” to keep their lives on track around her busy schedule.

And she added: “Everybody is doing their best.”

In the same month Paddy – who has signed a new deal with The Late Late Show which will see him host until 2028 – said he was “pretty good” adding that the divorce was “part of the tapestry of life.”

And now, with him also moved on with new love Michelle, it seems another piece of the tapestry is complete.

OUR Spotlight On column gives you the lowdown on what to see and do in some of your favourite holiday hotspots – as well as some lesser-known gems.

This week, our sights are set on Amsterdam, a city that has long been loved by Brits but changes every time we visit.

As the Sun’s Assistant Travel Editor, and someone who goes to Amsterdam most years, Sophie Swietochowski said: “There’s so much more to Amsterdam than its winding canals (although they are a big selling point).

“Amsterdam’s laidback cafe culture is the reason why this city holds such a special place in my heart – venture a little way from the busy hub outside of the main train station, you’ll find quiet cobbled streets lined with traditional brown bars where locals spill onto the pavements.

“Here is where you can pick up a local pint (£3.50) and the well-known bar snack bitterballen (deep-fried balls of stewed meat) usually served with a tangy, mustard dipping sauce for around €6 (£5.16) . They’re delicious and addictive.

Here are some of our other top recommendations for a trip to the Dutch city.

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MUST SEE / DO

Amsterdam has more than 1,200 bridges, and most visitors spend the day walking over them.

Go under them instead: hire a small private boat and tour the city from the water, mooring up for a bite to eat, or for an hour at whichever attraction you drift past.

Back on land, start at Museumplein, the square behind the Rijksmuseum — the national museum of the Netherlands — then walk on to Vondelpark, at its best in late spring and summer when the park is in full bloom.

Its open-air theatre stages free shows through the summer, though it is worth booking ahead.

HIDDEN GEM

Waterlooplein, the city’s oldest flea market, has traded on the same square since 1893 and opens Monday to Saturday.

Saturday brings the biggest spread of stalls — huge brass bells, turquoise jewellery, vintage cowboy boots — and the best odds of turning up a treasure for the wardrobe or the home.

BEST VIEW

A short walk from Amsterdam Centraal is OBA Oosterdok, the largest public library in the Netherlands.

Browse the shelves by all means, but the real reason to stop is the seventh-floor terrace, where a small panoramic viewpoint looks south over the city.

Entry is free, and the outdoor terrace opens roughly April to October.

RATED RESTAURANT

Cantine de Caron sits in the old machine building of the Westergasfabriek, on the edge of Westerpark, and the raw industrial shell does much of the work.

This is French cooking from TV chef Alain Caron and his sons: bistro classics with a Mediterranean lean, served in a busy, unstuffy room with the chefs at work in an open kitchen at the back.

Dishes are built to play flavours off each other — black garlic espuma, cured egg yolk, feta foam — and the wine list runs through the major French regions. In summer, ask for the terrace facing the park.

BEST BAR

Cafe Twee Prinsen, a few minutes from the Anne Frank House, is one of the best wine bars in the city.

On a sunny day it is a brilliant spot to take a wooden stool outside by the canal and order a few small plates with a bottle or two.

Inside, it is the massive wine collection in chilled glass cabinets that you notice first.

The wine is the draw, but the small plates are the underdogs: cheese, sardines swimming in oil with a wedge of lemon, butter beans in red sauce.

HOTEL PICK

Leonardo Hotel Amsterdam Rembrandtpark sits on the edge of Rembrandtpark, a 15-minute tram ride from the centre.

Its Floor17 terrace, 85m up, is billed as the tallest rooftop in Amsterdam — a stylish spot for a drink and a long look at the skyline.

Rooms cost from £93 per night on a room-only basis. See leonardohotels.co.uk.

New mandatory entry requirement for UK travellers is about to come into force

British passport holders could be turned away at the border in Spain, France, Italy and several other destinations due to a post-Brexit scheme set to launch later in 2026.

Once the initiative comes into effect, UK holidaymakers will be required to pay for a digital travel authorisation document to gain entry to around 30 European nations. British travellers will need to register with the European Travel Information and Authorisation System (ETIAS), which will soon become an entry requirement for visa-exempt nationals visiting a specific group of 30 countries.

With a valid ETIAS travel authorisation, travellers can enter these European countries as often as they wish for short-term stays, typically up to 90 days within any 180-day period. Originally, the ETIAS was expected to cost around 7 euros per person, however it has since been confirmed the fee will be nearly triple that amount, coming in at 20 euros per eligible traveller.

Those aged under 18 or over 70 are exempt, meaning a family of four travelling with two children would pay 40 euros in total. Once the scheme is up and running, failing to hold a valid ETIAS could see you refused entry to any of the following countries: Austria, Belgium, Bulgaria, Croatia, Cyprus, Czech Republic, Denmark, Estonia, Finland, France, Germany, Greece, Hungary, Iceland, Italy, Latvia, Liechtenstein, Lithuania, Luxembourg, Malta, Netherlands, Norway, Poland, Portugal, Romania, Slovakia, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, and Switzerland.

The scheme has faced numerous delays, and it is now anticipated that ETIAS will be launched over the next few months. The ETIAS is stored electronically against the passport.

While the vast majority of applications are expected to be approved “almost immediately”, if the system detects an error in your ETIAS submission, it could face rejection. Reasons for ETIAS applications being refused are reported to include holding an invalid passport, being considered a “risk” or having a Schengen Information System (SIS) alert, submitting an incomplete application, or failing to attend a mandatory interview.

Should your ETIAS application be turned down, you have the right to lodge an appeal.

Russia’s parliamentary elections offer an excellent opportunity for a new round in the information war between the West and Russia. Western politicians, experts and journalists have been given yet another convenient occasion to tell their target audiences that democracy has long ceased to exist in Russia; that the federal parliament, like any other representative body, in practice determines nothing in Russian life; and that all genuinely important decisions for the country are made not even by the government but exclusively in the Kremlin, by an extremely narrow circle of individuals accountable to no one.

Therefore, in the view of many critics of the Russian authorities, elections in Russia need not have been held at all: their outcome was predetermined by Kremlin political strategists and, in any event, will have no significant impact on the country’s future.

And yet even the most biased outside observer could hardly fail to notice the obvious: the Russian authorities made consistent and persistent efforts to ensure that these elections attracted the highest possible participation and were conducted successfully under current electoral law. For at least the past several months, the country had experienced heightened political activity.

Leading politicians and state officials constantly reminded the electorate of the importance of the coming elections. Governors of politically “problematic” regions were urgently allocated additional subsidies. Payments to certain categories of public-sector employees and pensioners were hastily indexed. And inevitable but unpopular or painful decisions for the public – for example, the forthcoming significant nationwide increase in housing and utility tariffs – were postponed until after the elections.

Even possible shifts in Russia’s position on the conflict with Ukraine and future relations with the West were often linked in public and political discussions to the results of the September elections, which were supposedly meant to “untie the hands” of the Russian leadership, although there were very different, sometimes diametrically opposed, views about how exactly the leadership would use these “untied hands”. In any case, it must be acknowledged that the Kremlin did not take the easy path of its opponents in Kyiv, who simply postponed the 2024 Ukrainian presidential election until better, “postwar” times, despite clear discontent and muted grumbling from part of Ukraine’s political class.

What is going on here? Why should the Kremlin invest so much energy and so many resources in what is often interpreted outside Russia as little more than an unconvincing simulation of genuine political competition? Why launch a new full electoral cycle while a large-scale military conflict has yet to end, when the normal boundaries of peacetime political democracy tend, one way or another, to narrow?

It is difficult to suppose that holding elections in Russia is driven solely by Kremlin strategists’ obsessive desire to impress, at all costs, either their external opponents or their partners abroad. As for the former, they would not change their views about the nature of the Russian political system, even in the hypothetical event that the elections ended in a complete triumph for the radical opposition and a crushing defeat for all pro-Kremlin candidates. Such a scenario would most likely lead to endless speculation about yet another “cunning Putin plan”, intended to mislead a credulous Western public and conceal the consistently authoritarian nature of Russia’s political regime.

As for the latter, it is hard to imagine that the leaders of Iran, North Korea, Belarus or China are seriously concerned about the state or future of Russian democracy. The political systems of their countries, like those of many other foreign friends and partners of Russia, to put it mildly, do not entirely conform to the classical standards of Western liberal democracies. It is doubtful that Kim Jong Un, Alexander Lukashenko or, say, Mohammed bin Salman, or even Donald Trump, would suddenly decide to offer Vladimir Putin wise advice on how to organise polling stations properly and count votes.

It is hardly likely that the Kremlin felt an urgent need to erect elaborate and expensive but not especially durable scenery on the Russian political stage when the reaction of the potential audience to the forthcoming theatrical production was known in advance. It seems more logical to assume that the Russian authorities need elections not as cosmetic decoration for the façade of their political system, designed to attract the indifferent gaze of an outside observer, but as a quite effective and, above all, much-needed mechanism for maintaining dialogue between the authorities and society in the difficult geopolitical and socio-economic conditions of autumn 2026.

First and foremost, the Russian authorities are fighting hard for a high turnout, creating the most comfortable possible conditions for their voters to cast their ballots. This is no accident. A high turnout is convincing evidence of the population’s continued political activity and of the fact that Russian society has not descended into political apathy and wholesale cynicism. The idea of active civic participation is far from an empty phrase for the country’s leadership. In this sense, even a vote against the main “party of power”, United Russia, is clearly preferable to the alternative of a significant part of the electorate conspicuously choosing not to participate in the elections.

No less important, the authorities need the election results as a barometer of current public preferences, something even the most accurate opinion polls or in-depth sociological research cannot replace. Contemporary Russia undoubtedly has its own, albeit relatively narrow, political spectrum of “systemic opposition” parties reflecting the differing interests and expectations of various social, economic, age and regional groups. The constantly changing balance of power between these parties must, one way or another, be taken into account by the authorities when determining the future priorities of their strategy.

For example, relative success for the Communist Party, A Just Russia and candidates from other left-wing parties would be a signal that the authorities should pay more attention to social programmes, the fight against economic inequality and social polarisation, and to countering the many remnants of “wild capitalism” left over from the 1990s. Conversely, a large number of votes cast for the New People party and other right-wing candidates would provide grounds for accelerating structural economic reforms and creating additional opportunities for the private sector, including small and medium-sized businesses. Strong electoral results for the Liberal Democratic Party would indicate growing nationalist tendencies in Russian society. The authorities may respond to such political signals in different ways, but they cannot ignore them and must therefore read shifts in public sentiment correctly.

Moreover, it can be assumed with a considerable degree of confidence that the State Duma elections will, one way or another, lead to substantial changes in the composition of not only the lower house of the Russian parliament but also Russia’s federal government. Following the elections, significant personnel changes are likely to take place in the executive branch – both at the federal level and at other levels. Such personnel changes, in turn, will make room for fresh ideas, innovative programmes, unconventional projects and proposals. There is a clear demand for renewal in Russian society today. Parliamentary elections are one way of responding convincingly to this demand without calling into question the stability of the state’s overall strategy or its senior leadership.

The Duma elections are the first parliamentary elections held during the special military operation, during which Russian society has changed considerably. In a sense, they can be called a large-scale political experiment whose outcome remains difficult to predict with precision. For example, it is still difficult to determine with confidence which political force will be supported by the majority of people who have participated in the special military operation or who remain on the line of contact. No less uncertainty remains regarding the likely political preferences of many residents of the new Russian regions, for whom the September elections will be their first State Duma election in their new status.

Such an experiment probably carries a degree of risk for the Russian leadership. Nevertheless, the leadership appears prepared to take that risk, not without reason viewing elections not only as an important but as an indispensable mechanism for public confirmation of its continuing political legitimacy.

The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera’s editorial stance.

CARROT Top has been hospitalised in Las Vegas after an emergency.

His Friday night show at the Luxor was scrapped as a result.

A source told TMZ Carrot Top, 61, had been rushed to hospital after a suicide attempt.

His rep said the comedian was recovering in hospital with “the care and support he needs”.

The performer’s real name is Scott Thompson.

He got his nickname from a high school swimming coach.

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Known for his high-energy shows, Carrot Top had a long-running residency at the Luxor, Las Vegas.

The fast-paced performance has been running since 2005 at the ritzy hotel.

It regularly includes dozens of props and witty one-liners, with the star closing the show with a lip-synced musical montage.

Carrot Top booked his first stand-up comedy gig as a freshman at Florida Atlantic University.

The comedian from Rocklegde, Florida, got his big break in 1991 on Comic Strip live.

From 1995 to 1999, Carrot Top worked as a continuity announcer for Cartoon Network.

In the early 2000s, he landed TV roles in Larry the Cable Guy’s Christmas Spectacular, George Lopez, and Scrubs.

The comedian also snagged roles on the big screen, including in Chairman of the Board, Dennis the Menace Strikes Again and Tugger: The 4×4 Jeep Who Wanted to Fly.

He has appeared on many talk shows, including a 2010 episode of The Jay Leno Show, when he had pies chucked at him by Leno and guest Emma Roberts.

His agent Jami Schlicher said: “Mr. Thompson is recovering in the hospital and is receiving the care and support he needs.

“His family and those closest to him are deeply grateful for the concern, prayers and respectfully ask for privacy.”

The Sun contacted Scott Thompson’s agent for comment.

The contemporary Brighton are different.

They began their second European campaign in the Norwegian city of Tromso last month, knowing the Conference League offers the chance of that elusive first trophy.

They play in a magnificent stadium, a short train journey from the city centre, with its new corporate areas, and, generally, inclusive family atmosphere. Their recruitment model, buying players in and selling them on for vast profits, is envied. The new Brighton just beat Manchester United at Old Trafford for the fifth time in six visits. Four games into their 10th consecutive Premier League campaign, they sit fifth.

The contemporary Brighton exist the way they do largely because of the vision and investment of Tony Bloom.

Born in Brighton, Bloom is a lifelong fan. His connection to the club is through his grandfather Harry, a former vice-chairman, and uncle Ray, a director.

Bloom, 56, is an entrepreneur. He made his money in finance and gambling, largely through the use of data. He became chairman in 2009, and masterminded the rise from League One and move into the American Express Stadium. Last season, Brighton‘s average attendance was more than 31,000.

In their 125-year history, Brighton have never had it so good.

“Anyone walking into Brighton today compared to even 15 years ago would not think it was the same football club,” sporting director Mike Cave told BBC Sport.

“The club has been on an unbelievable journey. We’ve got staff members and many fans who have done that journey. For those of us who weren’t here 15 years ago, our responsibility is to ensure what’s to come – and I think there’s lots – is better than what’s happened in the recent or long-distance past.”

As for Bloom himself, he has reflected on Brighton‘s 125th birthday in the programme for the Arsenal game.

“Since 1901, this football club has been part of the fabric of our city and the broader county of Sussex,” he said.

“It has connected generations of families and communities. Grandparents have brought their children and grandchildren to matches. Lifelong friendships have been forged on terraces, in stands and on away trips.

“Through good times and bad, Brighton & Hove Albion has provided so many of us with some of the most memorable moments of our lives.

“This club is in my blood. Some of my earliest and most cherished memories are wrapped up in the sights and sounds of the Goldstone.

“When I had the privilege of becoming owner and chairman, it was like being entrusted with something precious to safeguard and help develop for the future.

“Many of you reading these words will remember those difficult years. The loss of the Goldstone. The long journeys to Gillingham. The challenges of the Withdean era.

“What got this football club through was the determination of its fans. The bucket collections. The protests. The refusal to accept the Albion should disappear. This anniversary belongs as much to those supporters as anyone. Quite simply, without them, we would not be here today.”

Whether they beat Arsenal or not, Brighton stands tall, for those who fought to preserve something they felt was special, and a man who had a vision – and finance – to build something better.

Chelsea left with one point from their last three Premier League games after a 3-0 defeat at neighbours Brentford.

Brentford exposed Chelsea’s defensive problems to inflict a damaging 3-0 defeat that gives Xabi Alonso plenty to ponder during a three-week international break.

After a promising start to life under the former Real Madrid coach, Chelsea have picked up just one point from their last three league games.

Goals from Jaidon Anthony, Igor Thiago and Fabio Carvalho took unbeaten Brentford above their west London neighbours late on Friday and up to third in the table.

“I have this unbelievable calm around that team because I trust them. It’s nice to see it come to fruition,” said Brentford boss Keith Andrews.

Chelsea had quickly earned the reputation as the Premier League’s great entertainers under Alonso, with their opening four games containing 19 goals.

But the loss of Joao Pedro to a knee injury subdued the Blues’ free-flowing attack as Cole Palmer and Morgan Rogers were comfortably kept in check by the Bees.

“At the moment we are not being consistent enough to compete during the whole game,” said Alonso.

“It’s about everything. It’s about the mentality. It’s about football, tactical things that we need to keep improving that we can do much better.”

Alonso said after last weekend’s 2-2 draw against Hull, he was hoping for more “boring” games going forward.

The Spaniard sought control as he made four changes in all, handing Jordan Henderson his first Chelsea start against the 36-year-old’s former club.

Alonso got his wish during a flat first half in which neither goalkeeper was seriously tested, but Brentford were the more threatening side in the second period.

The visitors’ frailty from set-pieces led to the opening goal when Jannick Schuster rose highest to meet Mikkel Damsgaard’s corner, and Anthony was left with a simple task to head into an unguarded net just after the hour mark.

Chelsea’s response was muted, and as they pushed forward in search of an equaliser, Alonso’s men were picked off on the counterattack.

Kevin Schade should have scored the second goal himself when played clean through on Emi Martinez.

But even after the Argentinian goalkeeper spread himself to save, the rebound fell kindly for Thiago to end his goal drought.

The Brazilian netted 25 times last season, earning a shock call-up to Carlo Ancelotti’s World Cup squad as a result.

Thiago has looked shorn of confidence in the early weeks of the campaign and tore off his shirt in celebration after netting for the first time in the Premier League this season.

Chelsea have conceded at least twice in all five league games under Alonso, and there was further punishment to come in stoppage time.

Schade’s low cross was deflected into the path of Carvalho, who fired high past Martinez to leave Andrews yelling into the night sky in delight.

Brentford, who also beat Tottenham 3-0 on the opening weekend of the season, sit behind only defending champions Arsenal and Manchester City at the top of the table.

By contrast, Chelsea were handed another reminder of the gap Alonso must bridge to make them title contenders once more.

Since returning to office in January 2025, Trump and administration officials have repeatedly clashed with members of the White House press corps. In his second term, Trump has also moved to bring conservative bloggers, influencers and other media into the press room, arguing it is necessary to provide diverse perspectives to the American public.

In February, the White House announced it was taking control of the press pool which has access to Trump and had for more than a century been managed by the White House Correspondents’ Association.

The same month, the administration moved to bar Associated Press (AP) reporters and photographers from spaces where access is limited, such as the Oval Office or Air Force One, because of the outlet’s usage of the term “Gulf of Mexico” instead of “Gulf of America”.

AP swiftly filed a lawsuit and the case remains ongoing.

The president has frequently clashed with reporters in the Oval Office on Air Force One and during White House events, often referring to them as “fake news” and “rude”.

In his first term, Trump also banned CNN correspondent Jim Acosta from the White House, although his credentials were restored after CNN sued.

CNN is one of only five US news outlets that film video for the pool. The pool refers to an outlet or reporter sharing material from a presidential event with other media outlets. The BBC contributes to the White House radio pool.

The announcement was immediately criticised by leading advocacy organisations for freedom of the press.

In a statement on Friday afternoon, the Knight First Amendment Institute at Columbia University said that “with so many courts having ruled against him on exactly this point, you’d think President Trump would have learned this lesson by now”.

“If President Trump means to expel these news organizations from the White House press pool, his action is doubly unconstitutional because the press pool is a ‘public forum’ under the First Amendment, which means the president can’t exclude journalists from it on the basis of their viewpoints,” said the institute’s executive director, Jameel Jaffer.

A major group that provides legal services to the media – the Reporters Committee for Freedom of the Press – said it expected Trump’s ban to be struck down quickly by the courts because it was “flatly unconstitutional”.

“The First Amendment is clear that once the White House invites in some journalists, it can’t ban others because it doesn’t like their reporting,” said the group’s president Bruce Brown, calling the potential ban “textbook viewpoint discrimination”.

The Freedom of the Press Foundation also said it was illegal, adding: “It’s also hard to imagine a dumber move”.

Trump “has been retaliating against the press for years, but it hasn’t helped him,” it said, saying “these outrageous attacks only demonstrate how scared he is of an informed public”.

Trump has pursued legal action against a number of US and international news outlets, including The Wall Street Journal, The New York Times and the BBC.

Some of the lawsuits have resulted in media organisations agreeing to pay multimillion dollar settlements. Trump’s lawsuit against the BBC is ongoing.

Converse has pulled a controversial ad after it was slammed online by social media users who said it evoked Ku Klux Klan imagery.

Two ads promoting Converse’s global Chuck 70 X campaign came under fire. One featured K-pop star Karina clutching a pair of the brand’s classic high-top black sneakers by her side and wearing a white skirt, with a star spotlight in center frame.

The problem, according to social media users, was that the lighting and cropping created an outline that evoked a white pointed hood, with the shoes dangling against it. The other image showed models climbing a ladder to reach shoes that hung from a tree branch.

“We’re sorry. We understand why this image is deeply upsetting and recognize that we got this wrong,” Converse said in a statement to Footwear News on Friday. “We removed it from our channels and are working to remove it everywhere it appeared. This should not have happened, and we will do better.”

Photographer Stephanie Schwartz posted on Threads that she thought the imagery was no accident.

“Shadow, light, and composition. Every photographer can tell you, whoever did this ad knew EXACTLY what they were doing,” she wrote.

Educator Kendall C. Peacock posted a video on Instagram asking followers whether a boycott of the brand was warranted.

“Converse, converse, converse! You’ve been called to the carpet. Who approved this? … As a Black man and someone who loves Converse shoes, I find this very insensitive and distasteful.”

“How and why did nobody question these visuals?” he continued. “Deliberate racist intent hasn’t been established yet, but that doesn’t erase the impact.”

Peacock acknowledged the sneaker brand’s apology, but added that “must come with accountability.” He asked who approved the ad and what will change after its removal, and further suggested that “withholding our dollars is a reasonable demand for answers … How dare you try to make a dollar off of Black pain, Converse?”

DJ SoulChild AC said on TikTok that even if it wasn’t Converse’s intention, “We can see the symbolism from a mile away.”

“That is a depiction of the triple K right there,” he continued. “Pointed hood, dangling converses, as if someone’s being strung up … Black people ain’t stupid, bro.”

WASHINGTON — The governor of a Japanese territory where the Pentagon is thinking about basing missiles capable of threatening China has a message for the United States: Not on my island.

“I firmly oppose the idea,” said Gov. Denny Tamaki, the governor of Okinawa, in an email to The Times.

Officials in other Asian countries are also signaling they don’t want them.

But Pentagon planners aren’t backing down after the Trump administration withdrew last year from a 33-year-old arms control treaty that barred U.S. land-based intermediate-range missiles in Asia.

Senior officials now say that putting hundreds of American missiles with nonnuclear warheads in Asia would quickly and cheaply shift the balance of power in the western Pacific back in the United States’ favor amid growing Pentagon concern that China’s expanding arsenal of missiles and other military capabilities threaten U.S. bases in the region and have emboldened Beijing to menace U.S. allies in Asia.

The missile plan is the centerpiece of a planned buildup of U.S. military power in Asia projected to consume tens of billions of dollars in the defense budget over the next decade, a major shift in Pentagon spending priorities away from the Middle East.

But it also highlights the complex relationship between the U.S and its Asian allies, many of whom feel increasingly threatened by China but are reluctant to back new U.S. military measures that might provoke Beijing, which has built the biggest navy in the world in the last decade.

Australia and the Philippines publicly ruled out hosting American missiles when the Trump administration first floated the idea last year. South Korea is also considered an unlikely location, current and former officials say.

In Japan, the decision on whether to allow U.S. missiles on its territory will be made by the central government in Tokyo. Gov. Tamaki said officials at the Pentagon and in Tokyo have told him there are no definite plans to put missiles on Okinawa. But Tamaki isn’t reassured.

With a Japanese mother and an American father who served with the Marines on Okinawa before abandoning the family, Tamaki personifies the complex relationship between the U.S. and its allies in Asia. He was elected two years ago after pledging to oppose expansion of the already-substantial U.S. military presence on the island.

More than half of the 50,000 U.S. military personnel stationed in Japan are in Okinawa, most concentrated at a Marine base surrounded by residential areas in the largest city. Opposition to the 70-year-old U.S. military presence has sparked local protests for years, which would probably intensify if there were a move to base missiles there.

“If there is such a plan, I can easily imagine fierce opposition from Okinawa residents,” Tamaki said.

For the last year, the Pentagon has been testing several new types of short- and intermediate-range missiles — those with ranges up to 3,400 miles — including a ballistic missile that could be placed in Guam, a U.S. territory, and mobile missiles carried on trucks.

The first of the new weapons could be in operation within two years, though no decision has been announced about where they will be based. Similar missiles are now carried on U.S. warships and planes based in Asia, but there are no land-based systems.

U.S. officials say that many allies are privately supportive of the missile plan and may come around to permitting them on their territory but don’t want to provoke opposition from Beijing and their own public before decisions are on the table.

The U.S. has a defense treaty with Japan, as it does with South Korea, the Philippines and Australia. Taiwan is not a formal ally but has close, unofficial defense ties with Washington.

“We are very attentive to our allies’ concerns, and we recognized their political challenges,” said a senior defense official, who agreed to discuss Pentagon planning if he was not identified. “Everything that’s said in the media is not necessarily what’s said behind closed doors.”

To lessen the political opposition, the U.S. could rotate missile batteries in and out of locations around the region or place them in strategic locations without publicly disclosing it.

“It wouldn’t make much sense to announce plans now, which would stoke Chinese anger and possibly play into the domestic politics,” said Randy Schriver, who was a senior Pentagon official responsible for Asia until his resignation last year.

A decision to go ahead in Asia would intensify an arms race between the region’s two biggest powers whose relations — already tense over President Trump’s confrontational trade agenda and Chinese President Xi Jinping’s hawkish policies — have nosedived since the coronavirus outbreak.

“It’s naïve and dangerous,” said Alexandra Bell, a former Obama administration arms control official and a critic of deploying U.S. missiles. “Instead of looking at how we can prevent a full-out arms race, that’s our opening salvo?” added Bell, a senior policy director at the Center for Arms Control and Nonproliferation in Washington.

Putting land-based missiles in Asia capable of attacking China is not a new strategy.

In the 1950s and 1960s, the U.S. kept them at bases across the region, including in Okinawa, where hundreds of nuclear-armed warheads were stored secretly for decades even though Japan’s constitution prohibited the presence of nuclear weapons on its territory.

The missiles were gradually taken out of service in the 1960s and 1970s, because of budget cuts and a shift in U.S. strategy away from defense of the region focused on nuclear weapons. In 1987, the Reagan administration signed an arms control treaty that prohibited the U.S. and the Soviet Union (and later Russia) from deploying any land-based intermediate range missiles, including in Asia.

China was not a signatory, leaving it free to build up its missile arsenal.

The Trump administration withdrew from the treaty last year after accusing Russia of developing new land-based missiles that violated its terms. The exit opened the way for the Pentagon to consider reintroducing ground-launched missiles in Asia.

With mobile missiles around the region, the U.S. could pose an even bigger challenge for China, forcing it to hunt for hundreds of launchers capable of targeting its planes, ships and bases, strategists say.

“Ground-based missiles aren’t some kind silver bullet,” said Eric Sayers, a former consultant to U.S. commanders in the Pacific and a fellow at the Center for a New American Security, a Washington think tank. “But they are a way in the near term … to create dilemmas for the [People’s Liberation Army] planners.”

Although the risk of large-scale conflict with China seems low, tensions have continued to ratchet up over Beijing’s crackdown in Hong Kong, its military maneuvers near Taiwan, its border dispute with India and its offshore maritime claims in the East China Sea and South China Sea.

Nearly a quarter of world trade travels through the South China Sea, making the contest between Beijing and Washington over control of its maritime lanes and rich resources especially tense and certain to continue, no matter who wins the U.S. presidential election in November.

The U.S. Navy for decades dominated the “first island chain,” as strategists call the area of the western Pacific stretching from Japan to Taiwan to the Philippines that fell within America’s defense umbrella after World War II.

But American reliance on bases, warships and airfields in the region has become increasingly risky, officials and analysts say.

China has developed its own missiles, sophisticated radars and anti-satellite weapons as well as a growing fleet of warships and submarines in recent decades that could threaten American bases and other targets early in a conflict, said Collin Koh, a research fellow in Asian maritime security at the S. Rajatnam School of International Studies in Singapore.

China’s People’s Liberation Army can project significant firepower on U.S. and allied military installations in the western Pacific and “threaten to overwhelm” American forces “in times of armed conflict,” Koh said.

The Chinese weapons in many cases have ranges that exceed those on U.S. warships, though the U.S. retains a significant advantage in attack submarines and in advanced fighters and bombers armed with cruise missiles that can be fired from long distances.

“Their capability and their reach have created vulnerabilities for our legacy basing structure,” said the defense official, who agreed to discuss U.S. planning on condition that he not be identified.

LILA Moss stole the show at H&M’s London Fashion Week show.

The star proved the apple doesn’t fall far from the tree as she followed in her mum Kate Moss’s heeled footsteps and took to the runway.

I’m told despite being one of the biggest names at the event and being the daughter of an industry legend, Lila refused to have any special treatment.

In fact, sources tell me Lila has secretly been battling vile treatment at shows over the past year due to her nepo-baby status.

She’s told pals how she has been given “icy treatment or totally ignored” behind the scenes as she battles to carve out a career in her own right.

A source said: “Lila was booked in the standard way, just like all the other models.

MOSSY ON ROCKS

Lila Moss stuns in sexy swimsuit as she proudly shows off diabetes monitor

MOSS-T BEAUTIFUL

Lila Moss, 23, looks just like Kate as she strips to underwear for snaps

“She didn’t ask for any special treatment due to her status—in fact, it’s the opposite.

“Over the past year, she’s confided in pals that many other models give her the cold shoulder or totally ignore her altogether.

“She’s not said these words, but essentially it’s jealousy—people judge her and brand her a nepo before they have even met her.

“Yes, being Kate’s daughter has opened a lot of doors, but Lila wants to be successful in her own right.

“There have been many times over the years where backstage she is left all on her own.”

Lila is the daughter of Kate Moss and magazine editor Jefferson Hack.

In 2018, she was snapped up by Marc Jacobs to front his Marc Jacobs Beauty range.

In 2021, she made her Fashion Week debut by walking for Miu Miu at Paris Fashion Week.

Speaking in 2022, Lila admitted her mum tried to put her off modelling.

She told British Vogue: “My mum always put me off.

“She was always like, ‘If you wanna do it, you can, but I wouldn’t recommend it’.

“When I was younger, she was scared that I’d fall into the same trap, I think.”

Kate has previously spoken candidly about the pressures of being a model.

She told Vanity Fair in 2012: “Nobody takes care of you mentally.

“There’s a massive pressure to do what you have to do.”