War-driven price rises

Prices for precious metals actually began rising with Russia’s invasion of Ukraine back in early 2022, but economists say prices surged significantly with the US and Israeli attacks on Iran.

In 2023, silver prices in India largely fluctuated between $725 (70,000 rupees) and $830 (80,000 rupees) per kilogramme, rising to around $985 (98,000 rupees) in 2024. But this year, amid the conflict with Iran, silver prices briefly soared as high as $4,670 (450,000 rupees) per kg before easing after the ceasefire. Even now, after some decline, prices are hovering around $2,600 (250,000 rupees) per kg, more than three times their levels just a few years ago.

Dr. Salahuddin Ayyub, an economist and international trade expert with India’s Ministry of Commerce and Industry, said geopolitical conflicts have triggered unprecedented volatility in global commodity markets.

“When stock markets become volatile, investors move their money into safer assets, such as gold and silver,” Ayyub explained. “This sudden surge in demand pushes the prices of precious metals sharply upwards.”

The consequences have been particularly severe in India, he said, because gold and silver remain deeply intertwined with weddings, other cultural traditions and family savings. As prices continue to rise, many households are increasingly opting for lower-cost alternatives, such as artificial jewellery.

He warned that while consumers may find substitutes, those whose livelihoods depend on the precious metals industry, including artisans, silversmiths, jewellery shopkeepers and traditional craftsmen, have far fewer options.

“The impact extends well beyond consumers,” Ayyub said. “Entire communities whose incomes depend on these metals are now facing shrinking demand and growing economic uncertainty.”

The surge in silver prices has had another consequence that is often overlooked by the government and policymakers. According to Ayyub, when a country witnesses a sharp rise in demand for imported precious metals, governments often intervene to curb imports and protect their foreign exchange reserves.

“India depends heavily on imported silver. A sudden spike in imports puts pressure on the country’s foreign exchange reserves, so the government tries to discourage excessive imports through tariffs and other restrictions,” Ayyub said.

These import duties are eventually passed on to consumers. “As tariffs increase, the landed cost of silver rises. That is one of the reasons why silver prices in India are currently trading above global prices,” he said.

Globally, silver currently costs $2,100 (201,000 rupees) per kg, but in India, it’s more than 20 percent higher because of heavy government import taxes and strict licensing that chokes off supply. India depends on imports to meet more than 80% of its domestic silver demand and its purchases account for over 20 percent of the global trade in refined silver.

India more than doubled its effective import taxes on gold and silver in May. That saw silver imports plunge by 87 percent to just $75.6 million that month, down from $566.2 million the previous year, the country’s lowest level in over three years.

High silver prices are now forcing Lucknow’s brides to make tough, sometimes devastating, decisions.

AMY Childs has admitted to feeling “emotional” having wrapped filming on her Towie wedding special.

Amy Childs: The Towie Wedding follows Amy and her now-husband Billy Delbosq as they prepare to tie the knot.

The spin-off sees the couple make arrangements before getting legally wed in London, followed by a lavish ceremony at San Roque Golf Club, near Marbella.

Taking to Instagram, Amy shared behind-the-scenes snaps from filming.

She captioned the images: “And that’s a wrap!

“Feeling so emotional our show has come to an end however I am so excited for you to all to see (dates coming soon)!

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Towie couple in talks for huge wedding spin-off after Amy Childs’ TV nuptials

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“It’s been incredible!”

Referencing her daughter, Amy added: “PS Polly the star of the show!”

Amy’s photos saw the reality star sat for cameras solo as well as with Billy.

Another shot saw Polly, nine, who Amy shares with ex Bradley Wright, sat for her own solo pieces to camera.

Amy also shared a selfie, taken after getting glammed up for filming.

She looked chic in a black blazer and matching top, showing off a freshly-styled mane in shades of caramel and hazlenut.

Amy showcased her flawless make-up, with a tanned glow to her complexion, striking black lashes and a slick of rosy gloss across her pout.

She sported a necklace with Billy’s name on it, as well as the names of all her children: Polly and Ritchie from previous relationships and twins Millie and Billy with her now-husband.

The pair had their second ceremony at the end of September, surrounded by 180 guests including Towie co-stars such as Jordan Brook and Sophie Kasaei.

Amy was walked down the aisle by her dad, who is also named Billy, with guests all adhering to a black tie dresscode.

Amy and Billy had their first wedding back in April having previously postponed their nuptials last year.

The new show is expected to land on ITV in the coming months.

Pualani Olotoa-Le’au, a 15-year-old sophomore at Carson High, has become a major contributor in flag football and softball for the Colts.

She’s the starting safety and linebacker for the flag football team. She’s also a catcher for the softball team.

She’s excelling off the field by being a dual enrolled student, taking classes at L.A. Harbor College and Carson.

She’s part Samoan, Filipino, Mexican, Japanese and Native American.

Carson is 11-4 overall and 4-1 in the Marine League for flag football.

This is a daily look at the positive happenings in high school sports. To submit any news, please email eric.sondheimer@latimes.com.

Max Verstappen’s sprint race win was ​Dutchman’s first of any kind in Singapore as he finished ahead of Lewis Hamilton.

Red Bull’s Max Verstappen won a wet and wild Singapore Grand Prix sprint race on Saturday after George Russell crashed his Mercedes while leading at the end of the opening lap.

Four-time Formula One champion Verstappen held off Ferrari’s Lewis Hamilton to win by 2.50 seconds, with Charles Leclerc third as the McLarens of Lando Norris and Oscar Piastri touched and spun on the final lap while in fourth and fifth.

A heavy shower 10 minutes before the scheduled start meant a delay of 30 minutes.

All cars began on intermediate tyres, with some sectors of the Marina Bay Street Circuit much drier than others as the field embarked on two formation laps behind the safety car.

The eventual standing start saw Russell start on the front row alongside pole-sitter Verstappen and it was the Englishman who got away better.

His lead was short-lived as he lost control after touching a treacherous white line on the final bend of the opening lap. He slid sideways into the pit lane wall, bringing out a safety car.

It was another setback in a season of bad luck for Russell, who will start from the back of the grid in Sunday’s Grand Prix because of engine penalties.

“It was a miscalculation,” Russell told Sky Sports. “Came through the corner, had more battery deployment than I thought, pushed me a little bit wider than I hoped and went on to the white line.

“Silly mistake. Big consequences.”

It left Hamilton, who had a brilliant start from sixth on the grid, in second place, having leapfrogged Ferrari teammate Leclerc and the two McLarens.

The big beneficiary of Norris and Piastri’s “papaya spat” on the last lap was championship leader Kimi Antonelli, who inherited fourth place in his Mercedes having started seventh on the grid.

Fifth was RB’s Liam Lawson, sixth was the Haas of Oliver Bearman, seventh was Audi’s Nico Hulkenberg and Norris got going again to limp home in eighth and round out the points scorers.

AS someone with a fear of heights, dangling by a thin rope from a cable several hundred metres above a deep mountain valley is not on my bucket list. 

But here I am, suspended 2,000ft up with nothing between me and the valley below (a situation that could soon change as I feel the pastries I had for breakfast make their way back up). 

I have reluctantly agreed to take part in the so-called Aerolive experience, which is essentially a gondola without walls. 

“Aerolive invites you to slow down, take a deep breath and appreciate the sheer scale and beauty of the mountains,” teases the bumpf. 

Heavenly stuff, but no one has told my pulse, which is going like the clappers as I gingerly step nearer the edge. 

I watch in awe as my fellow daredevils lean out into the abyss and decide on a half in/half out strategy, which would typically be described as “chicken”.  

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Because yes, Aerolive is exhilarating and yes, the view is magical but my God it is also bloody ­terrifying. 

This mountain masochism is the latest thing to do in La Plagne — a French ski resort which has spent millions installing the superfast gondola from which I now teeter, to whisk visitors up to the top of its 3,080m-high Roche De Mio mountain. 

Of course, you don’t have to — literally — put your life on the line to get up here. Normal, sealed cabins are available.  

And while Roche De Mio is most definitely the highest, it is just one of numerous peaks in this vast Alpine resort, with its 77 lifts, 143 pistes and 225km of skiing.  

That nearly doubles when you add the runs and lifts in neighbouring resort Les Arcs, which offer a combined 425km of pistes — the third largest ski area in the world. 

You could spend a week here and not cover half the terrain, even if you bomb down a few slopes after hours on a sledge, which local ski firm Oxygene offers for around 40 euros. 

I gave their so-called Superluge Derby a go and wow, it’s probably the fastest — and most out of control — you can go on these mountains. 

Helpfully La Plagne is HIGH, with 70 per cent of runs above the treeline between 2,000m and 3,000m, which is perfect for a late break (I went in late March and conditions were ideal). 

From the top of the highest runs, the views across the bowls are spectacular and there are plenty of big, wide runs. 

And when your legs get tired, you are spoilt for choice for places to stop, from cosy chalet-style joints serving all the Savoie usuals — such as tartiflette and fondue — to more modest snack bars pumping out croque monsieurs. 

So you don’t blow a hundred euros every lunchtime, I’d suggest nipping over to Plagne Bellecote, where cheaper snack bars abound but the view is still cracking. 

If you do fancy spending a few bob and you can’t visit the mountains without a blast of electronic dance music, there is a Folie Douce-style bar on the way down to Plagne Village called La Bergerie. 

It’s a straight rip-off of the Val d’Isere original Folie Douce and features DJs, half-naked dancers and, of course, some dude on a saxophone. 

Getting a big round in here is only for the brave, though. I bought three pints and am still paying off the credit card bill.  

But it’s a good laugh for a quick stop and hey, you’re on holiday. 

I stayed just down the hill from Bellcote in a Ski Beat chalet in one of La Plagne’s smaller satellite villages, Plagne 1800. 

It’s a charming little place with a few bars and restaurants but most importantly, it’s about a five minute ­totter from the lifts. 

This is my second year on a Ski Beat package and again the service was first class and the food top quality. 

While Plagne 1800 is a sleepy hamlet, there is enough to keep you entertained if you’re not quite ready to turn in at 9pm. 

I spent a few nights in the rowdy La Mine Bar, themed on a “traditional English pub” and it has made a pretty good fist of it. 

You can watch Premier League matches here and neck a few proper pints but, with its wooden beams and Gore-Tex-clad clientele, you still feel like you’re in the Alps.

Musical acts take to the stage most nights and, depending on how smashed you are when you ask them, they’ll play requests. 

The only, er, downside is you have to walk back up the hill when you’ve reached capacity. 

Where’s that windowless lift when you need it, eh? 

Hundreds of protesters have reportedly been detained in Delhi during the latest demonstration by the Gen-Z led Cockroach Janta Party (CJP) over electoral reforms.

The group said its founder Abhijeet Dipke, who began the movement in May after India’s Chief Justice likened some jobless young people to “cockroaches”, was detained with other leaders shortly after landing in Delhi.

Tens of thousands of security personnel were deployed and roads barricaded ahead of the demonstration, though the CJP insisted it would go ahead.

Delhi Police has not commented on the detentions, but had refused permission for the protest to take place at Jantar Mantar, a landmark in the Indian capital.

The group – who are not registered as a political party in India – are seeking electoral reforms just months before crucial state elections.

It has also demanded the resignation of Chief Election Commissioner (CEC) Gyanesh Kumar over allegations of manipulating voters’ lists – which the Election Commission has denied.

Under Kumar’s leadership, India’s election commission has undertaken a mammoth exercise to update electoral rolls nationwide – it said this was a routine exercise to weed out dead, duplicate or ineligible voters.

But in many states, the exercise has been shrouded in controversy, with tens of thousands of people alleging they have been wrongly removed.

The CJP – and opposition parties – accuse Kumar of favouring Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in the way the electoral rolls are being updated.

The Election Commission and the BJP have denied this.

Before arriving in Delhi, the CJP’s founder Dipke said: “If you think you can stop us by threatening us with jail or trying to intimidate us with the fear of imprisonment, you are mistaken.”

He and and two other leaders, Saurav Das and Ashutosh Ranka, were detained on their flight from Mumbai on Saturday.

The group claimed the three men have been taken to an undisclosed location. Delhi Police have not commented.

Actor Chad Lowe returned to Instagram on Thursday for the first time following the Sept. 29 death of his 13-year-old daughter Fiona.

The actor shared a spiritual message from author and psychologist Gerry Hussey through Instagram Stories.

“When you ask yourself the deeper, bigger questions,” Hussey said on Olivia Hunt’s podcast “On Healing” after being asked about God, “and you move beyond the human existence — as through meditation or something — as you experience transcendental experience, [you find] we are connected to everything that is.

“And there’s nothing there, but peace and love,” he continued. “When we die. Where do we go? We return to a state of peace and love.”

Fiona’s manner of death was ruled a suicide by the Los Angeles County Medical Examiner in a report released Oct. 2. She died in a hospital.

“We are deeply heartbroken by the loss of our beloved Fiona,” Lowe, the Emmy-winning star of “Life Goes On,” and his family said in a Sept. 29 statement announcing Fiona’s death.

Fiona was the second of Lowe and his wife Kim Painter’s three daughters. The couple also shares Mabel, 17, and Nixie, 10.

Mabel shared an emotional post about her sister on Oct. 3.

“I love you so much fiona,” Mabel wrote in a post containing photos of the sisters. “i wish your short time here was easier and i hope your mind is at ease now. I will honor you forever and keep your memory alive. I love you, i hope you knew just how much.”

Lowe is the brother of “St. Elmo’s Fire” actor Rob Lowe, whose youngest son paid tribute to his late cousin after her death. He posted Emily Dickinson’s poem “Hope Is the Thing With Feathers,” according to an Oct. 5 Page Six report.

“HOPE is the thing with feathers that perches in the soul, and sings the tune without the words, and never stops at all,” John Owen Lowe shared in an Instagram Stories post. “And sweetest in the gale is heard; and sore must be the storm that could abash the little bird that kept so many warm.”

Chad and Rob’s father, Chuck, shared a photo of his granddaughter on Instagram after her death was announced, per People, with the caption, “Rest in peace sweet Fiona.”

Riders at the Giro di Lombardia staged a protest which delayed the start of the race for five minutes as they sought to draw attention to safety concerns following a series of incidents.

Organisers completed the countdown and a starting flag was waved but the peloton remained stationary, creating confusion among spectators in Bergamo, Italy.

Belgium’s Remco Evenepoel then addressed the crowd, saying “there’s too many incidents happening with vehicles in the race” and highlighting the death of British cyclist Fin Tarling, who died in a collision with a vehicle at the Volta a Portugal in August.

“Unfortunately we lost the life of a brother and of a colleague of us, so we want to make this statement to show to the world that we cannot keep accepting the fact that guys are getting injured or literally dying in what we like the most to do,” added double Olympic champion Evenepoel.

After five minutes had elapsed, a second starting flag was waved and the riders set off for Como.

“This week alone, there were multiple incidents of vehicles on race courses,” said the CPA union, which represents professional cyclists, in a statement which was re-posted on Instagram by riders including Evenepoel and Great Britain’s Tom Pidcock, external.

“This summer, a life was tragically lost to exactly this kind of failure. We will not stand for this any longer.”

The CPA has called for cycling’s governing body, the UCI, to help ensure race organisers “take responsibility” and “act” to improve safety standards.

Earlier this week, Thomas Gloag and Marcel Camprubi were struck by a police motorcycle travelling in the opposite direction during the Tre Valli Varesine race.

“Riders race at high speed with little protection, and we depend on the UCI and race organisers to secure the roads. That responsibility is not being met,” the CPA statement added.

“We did not want to affect the race, only to show what riders can do when we stand as one.

“We love this sport. We respect the race organisers. We want to race hard and put on a show for our fans. However most importantly we want to come home safe to our loved ones.”

The Giro di Lombardia is the last of the season’s five Monuments, a set of long-standing, prestigious one-day races.

It has been won by Tadej Pogacar for the past five years but the Slovenian is not present at the race, which is also the penultimate event on this year’s UCI World Tour calendar, after sustaining a season-ending injury at the Vuelta a Espana.

The conclusion was to banish Hesmondhalgh, who, in her parting words, said it had been an “immense experience”.

“Alas,” she continued, confirming her fidelity as tears appeared in eyes around the table: “It may mean I am not a phenomenal actor.”

Singer Blunt, who had led the charge against her, appears to have now put himself in the frame. He told the group: “I’m so sorry, that’s my fault.”

“He’s been wrong about every theory he’s came up with,” said Rooney.

“So have I,” added a frustrated Croft.

Hart declared that “everything is up in the air” now, following Hesmondhalgh’s eviction, which King Kenny called the team’s “biggest loss” so far.

But what of the traitors?

First recruit, Acaster’s strategy is to simply continue playing the game as if he is a faithful, he said. Jama is clearly loving life on the dark side and leaning into it, while Fry, it’s fair to say, is finding it tougher.

“You two saved me,” Fry told the other two of her stressful day, while back in the turret in their cloaks.

Jama, who is now firmly the ringleader of the tormentors, demanded that her conscripted co-conspirators now “snap into murder mode”.

The episode ended not with a murder but a fresh twist – the promise of a deathly game of hide-and-seek for four chosen contestants.

Using interviews filmed on rooftops at night in Tel Aviv, the documentary “NAZA” uncovers Israel’s brutal methodology of warfare in Gaza since the Hamas-led Oct. 7, 2023, massacre that took 250 hostages and killed at least 1,200 people. The testimony offered by these insiders is under the cloak of darkness, but the light it shines on the mass killing of Palestinian civilians is so harsh it burns the conscience. (The title refers to the Israel Defense Forces’ use of an acronym for the Hebrew term for collateral damage: nezek agavi.)

Israeli directors Yuval Abraham and Rachel Szor, half of the quartet (with Basel Adra and Hamdan Ballal) behind the Oscar-winning “No Other Land,” secured one-on-one interviews with 24 Israeli intelligence personnel and soldiers, digitally altering their faces and voices while their silhouettes are framed by the lit cityscape. Sitting across from interviewer Abraham, they recount their participation in a military campaign that has killed over 73,000 in Gaza, according to the Gaza Health Ministry, and is ongoing. Used as an estimation of casualties — just put a number in front, “20 NAZA”— it suggests a battle calculation that has permitted the detachment of moral consquences.

One participant makes his need for anonymity clear: “Israel will put me in jail.” At the same time, there has been clamor for the exposure of these sources so they can be prosecuted for war crimes. The uproar over “NAZA” has also led the filmmakers to be called traitors in their country. Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu has threatened to revoke their citizenship.

It all speaks to the power of a well-timed movie, since much of the reporting in “NAZA” has already been published by the Guardian, a co-producer of the documentary, and corroborated by other news outlets. After its theatrical run, the Guardian will stream “NAZA” for free on its website.

The picture painted from the interview subjects, who occasionally draw sketches of weapons-screen interfaces on notepads, is of a computerized tracking-and-killing apparatus, culled from the surveillance Israel keeps of nearly every phone in Gaza. The system is augmented by AI that isn’t always accurate about a target’s presence yet is implemented with airstrikes. Eavesdropping on children is used to track a targeted father’s arrival home in a program called “Where’s Daddy?” As one person says, “You hack her phone and then kill her.”

What’s chilling about these interviews is how they don’t feel like whistleblowing but rather a fact-finding inquiry with available explainers who betray little affect or remorse, even when the topic of personal doubt arises. When one is asked whether this is genocide, the answer comes back, “Yes.” “NAZA” eschews probing for guilty feelings, though, because the point is to unearth a process of obliteration: how it works and what it looks like as implemented by the willing. “My role is technical,” a subject says.

In between these interviews are glimpses of the occasional Israeli news media snippet and at one point an archival reminder of the circumstances of Tel Aviv’s founding. But most insistently, the interstitial visuals are cinematographer Szor’s night shots of apartment facades in modern Tel Aviv: citizens at rest with their loved ones, working out or eating in front of their televisions. It’s a casual surveilling of placidity just up the coast from the atrocities we hear about. “NAZA” isn’t just tough-to-hear journalism, it’s real filmmaking, the visual juxtapositions getting us to think about who doesn’t get to enjoy a quiet evening at home, especially when remote war-waging starts to look like a goal-oriented office shift with a lunch break — or a video game.

Wherever you fall regarding the continued destruction of Gaza, what the filmmakers of “NAZA” make disturbingly clear is that the simplest machinery to spread dehumanization and death is happening now, easing its users into acceptance and rewriting everything about the moral cost of conflict. It’s stone-cold frightening.

King Juan Carlos I summons party leaders after the failed 1981 coup. From left to right: Santiago Carrillo (Communist Party), Agustín Rodríguez Sahagún (Defence Minister), Adolfo Suárez (Prime Minister), Juan Carlos I, Felipe González (PSOE) and Manuel Fraga (People’s Alliance, later PP).

(“Gosh, no! Not another hyper-comparative article about two distant political conflicts…” Apologies. We’ll try to make it a fun read).

More often than not, our intellectual circles have felt tempted to look at alien historical episodes in a never-ending search for resolute answers that shed light on our present. In 2023, when Maduro flirted with attacking US-supported Guyana, some revisited the Falklands War as a sign that a serious military incursion would be a fatal mistake that would lead to the dictatorship’s downfall. Then came the road to the 2024 presidential election; many feared (rightfully, in the end) that the country would plunge into the “Nicaragua scenario” if the dictator refused to recognize his defeat. Others momentarily wondered if enough external pressure could give way to a Guatemala-style transfer of power and a weak transition government.

The days of terror seem to be behind us, yet there’s no progressive reformer like Raúl Alfonsín steering the wheel of justice. Instead, Donald Trump gave us the Pizza Hut scenario. Here, Delcy Rodríguez has become the poster girl of the MAGA international franchise. Here, too, US geopolitical ambitions and business interests at times seem to be competing with the need for free elections and a democratic regime.

Is Rodríguez our Mikhail Gorbachev, trying to open the economy and political system just enough while attempting to save the chavista State from outright collapse? What if chavismo is already dead and she’s the Yeltsin of the Caribbean, the feeble leader who will give away the country’s riches to oligarchs in an arbitrary fashion, laying the ground for a new form of autocracy?

Or might Delcy be the chavista version of Adolfo Suárez, the not-so-brilliant and obscure but highly charismatic Francoist insider? Suárez finished the job after a remarkable run, surviving a period of meagre political support, declining approval rates and a coup d’etat that could have killed him. The comparison now sounds like an insult to the Spaniard. Like Gorbachev in today’s Russia, Suárez has become a sort of mythical statesman abroad while Spanish right- and left-wing critics dispute his legacy.

There are genuine similarities between the process currently unfolding in Caracas and the outset of Spain’s democracy, as well as room for gross contrasts. While 2026 has been insane for Venezuelans, Spain exactly fifty years ago was astonishing due to the speed at which Suárez acted in unilaterally dismantling the regime from within the regime. The dictator was finally gone, and as soon as he had the chance, the new King ordered a politician without strong ideological convictions to establish a full parliamentary democracy.

Suárez took office in June 1976. The Law for Political Reform, meant to pave the way for a new democratic legislature (with the King acting as a key enforcer), was through six months later. Spain held general elections within a year. That was just the start. What followed was a sequence full of the raw materials that tend to feed these history-making episodes: secret meetings and grand bargains between rivals and strange bedfellows, journalists acting like hinges, political violence, and leaders who soon become overwhelmed by their own decisions and actions.

How the transition worked out

When scholars praise the atmosphere of consensus that defined Spain in the 1970s, they generally speak of the close cooperation between regime reformers and opposition moderates in devising broad agreements that fastened democracy, fundamental rights and regional autonomy with the recognition of the monarchy. In doing so, these figures refused to address legal and moral responsibilities for the violence left by the Civil War and four decades of military rule (more on this later).

The spirit of the Transición is best encapsulated by the political partnership between Suárez and Santiago Carrillo, leader of the Communist Party (PCE) and the most prominent figure in a scattered opposition. Much like María Corina Machado this year, Carrillo was a key veto player in the transition’s inception. Suárez had the power; democracy just couldn’t be without the legitimacy carried by Francoism’s utmost rival. The government legalized the PCE only after it abandoned Marxist-Leninist doctrine and Republican (“anti-Spain”) symbols. As Javier Cercas recounts in the brilliant Anatomy of a Moment, the duo protected each other’s backs amid hardline pressures, in a climate of growing economic hardship and political violence where ETA and Far Right violence threatened to destabilize their project.

In Spain’s first elections since 1936, Suárez won and the renewed PSOE of a young Felipe González managed to eclipse the old-looking communists. Once the new democratic parliament was settled, Suárez and representatives from major parties signed the Moncloa Pacts, then framed as a national agreement to save the economy. Parallels with Venezuela’s Puntofijo Pact are there: the political class came together on monetary policy and wage regulation; welfare and public spending; and fundamental freedoms for citizens, workers and members of the press. An amnesty for political prisoners followed. In 1978, Spanish voters overwhelmingly voted to approve a new consensus constitution.

As is only natural during these processes, the position of Suárez before Francoist remnants in the State became untenable. Time exposed the true nature of his goals: he eventually crossed all the red lines of the inmovilistas, wiping out Franco’s ultra-conservative and nationalist institutions. Far Right groups, elites, the military and even newspapers plotted to jeopardize the transition and restrain its main characters. However, much of the groundwork for political action and breakthroughs was laid by domestic and outside backers who had an unequivocal pro-democracy stance.

In the Francois legislature, King Juan Carlos appointed his personal tutor and advisor, Torcuato Fernández-Miranda, as president. In the diplomatic arena, regional leaders and international actors favored Spain’s democratization and European integration. Willy Brandt, Francois Mitterrand and even Carlos Andrés Pérez encouraged PSOE’s social-democratic turn and the rise of González. Meanwhile, Carrillo had the endorsement of fellow Eurocommunists that had broken with the Soviet Union.

However, royal and international support were neither constant nor salient enough in the Spanish case. Domestic variables and the consequences of political opening made Suárez grow weaker in 1979, and his government could have fallen apart. In Venezuela, where the level of tutelage in place is more decisive than in Spain back then, the approach of the United States remains gradual and its supervision restrictive for opposition actors. The speed of reforms also seems to be contingent on the diverse interests of the Trump administration. Unlike in Spain at this stage, elections don’t appear to be around the corner, and new policies and initiatives are either limited in scope or yet to show results.

The transition’s key omissions

When comparing the Spanish transition with the Venezuelan process, significant details reveal mistakes whose lessons should serve to prevent their repetition. The transitional justice model, the control of the security forces, and the polarization that affects public opinion after decades, are some of the aspects that can be adjusted to learn from what Spain did well. However, we must keep our eyes open regarding the issues left unresolved.

Six years after Franco’s death and following many important reforms, the Spanish government did not have control of its security apparatus. As a result, a group of Guardias Civiles led by Antonio Tejero, stormed the Congress of Deputies on February 23, 1981, taking Suárez, Carrillo and the entire government hostage while tanks occupied the city of Valencia. The coup failed, but it became clear that the nascent democracy was fragile and that military, police and political elements were able to undermine it. Just like Venezuela in the early sixties.

A change in government, even one negotiated and backed by the US, does not guarantee control over the Venezuelan armed forces. During the transition process, the loyalty of the military must be built and put to the test. There is no guarantee that Venezuela will not experience an episode like Spain’s 23-F; the only way to ensure otherwise is to include representatives of the military high command at the negotiating table from the very beginning.

Then we have the famous Pact of Forgetting. As the opposition basically got everything it wanted, la Transición did not establish any special justice mechanisms. Reconciliation was built on a pacto del olvido, an implicit agreement between regime reformers and a large part of the opposition that consisted of not judging the past, not establishing truth commissions, and adhering to a logic of equivalency between the Two Spains: the Republican Left and the Nationalist Right, the losers and the winners of the Civil War.

The “pact of forgetting” is far from what we Venezuelans aspire to. The victims of Francoism were unable to access mechanisms for reparations during the first 25 years of democracy. Later, the Ley de Memoria Histórica (Historical Memory Law, LMH) and the Ley de Memoria Democrática (Democratic Memory Law, LMD) were enacted to fill that void. The reality is that justice came too late, was biased, and failed to meet international standards on truth, memory, and non-repetition.

One only needs to take a close look at the 1977 Amnesty Law. It passed almost unanimously; its original intent was a genuine desire to bring closure. However, the same law granted amnesty to those who were politically persecuted as well as to “authorities, civil servants, and law enforcement officers” for violations against the rights of Spanish citizens. To an extent, these are the same flaws that have been criticized in the Venezuelan amnesty law enacted in January 2026.

Forgetting and silence created wounds in Spain that were not fully healed and vulnerable to political manipulation throughout this century. A 2008 study found that 55.7% of those surveyed stated that the victims of the dictatorship had not received the recognition they deserved. That sense of injustice has fueled the narrative promoted by the Spanish Left that the transition was a “deal” between elites rather than a pacted rupture with the regime.

Venezuela’s amnesty law bears the same risk and exacerbates it by ordering the destruction of records and criminal histories. Erasing the evidence that will one day be needed to reconstruct the patterns of repression is the opposite of reconciliation. The construction of memory is the only thing that can guarantee that in 2050, Venezuelans will not be having the same disputes that Spain continues to have about Franco. For our process to move toward transformation, we must establish special justice mechanisms that include both reparations and forgiveness. Without this, at best, the next generations will be prone to forgetting.

Coming to terms with post-chavismo

It’s important to make a clarification regarding our case. Today, chavismo is not a force that polarizes the country, capable of winning elections like Suárez did, but a political elite that faces widespread rejection. That does not mean it will disappear from the political landscape. On the contrary, the mere fact that chavismo continues to rule may hint that it will remain part of public life. Eventually, the heirs of chavismo could try to reframe the legacy of Chávez, “saving” him from the discredit brought on by Maduro-era atrocities. The Maduro-Flores faction and a few other figures will likely be erased from chavismo’s new narratives. They will be portrayed as a deviation from chavismo’s original ideas. They will try to bring in new faces, and perhaps Diosdado Cabello will hand over the PSUV to some new figure, such as Héctor Rodríguez and a crop of young, “converted democrats.”

Yet the suffering caused by the chavista project cannot be so easily erased from the memories of millions of Venezuelans who endured hunger, exile, repression and imprisonment.

The wounds that remain fresh among Venezuelans can be as deep as those borne by the older generations in Spain, who faced the destruction and trauma of armed conflict. Like Franco, Chávez and Maduro spent two decades trying to build a “new man” through the military and partisan occupation of public life. However, the nature of the crimes and mismanagement in 21st-century Venezuela is different from that in Francoist Spain, where thousands of dissidents were systematically persecuted and killed. Like in Cuba and the USSR, economic and social devastation has been so severe that it led to mass starvation and exodus. Our remaining task and the lesson learned from what was lacking in the Spanish transition, is to build a historical memory focused on ensuring that anything resembling that does not happen again, and that whoever wants to enter the political arena can do so according to the rules of democracy.

Bonus: Delcy vs. Suárez

Adolfo Suárez became prime minister in 1976, having emerged from the very structures of Francoism and State-owned media. He was certainly not a reformer, much less a democrat until Juan Carlos appointed him to lead the transition. Suárez eventually acted on his own volition, seeing the process through to the end. Delcy, as Maduro’s “Super Minister” and his last vice president, has been a far more prominent figure in the chavista State, and also more deeply involved with the repressive apparatus than Suárez was, as UN reports can attest). In the case of Delcy, US military intervention has pushed her to change certain policies, cool down repression and engage with a sector of the opposition, part of a strategy for political survival where her regime needs to balance Washington’s demands with avoiding chavismo’s downfall. That has nothing to do with a “democratic” conversion.

The comparison is still vague, but Venezuelan historians can re-assess if this process leads to its much-needed destination.

Timeline (optional read)

1973: A decrepit Franco steps down as PM, separating the headship of state and the presidency of government for the first time. He names his loyal right-hand man, Admiral Luis Carrero Blanco, as Prime Minister, with jurist Torcuato Fernández-Miranda as Deputy PM and conservative Carlos Arias Navarro at Interior. The global oil shock strikes Spain, ending fifteen years of economic boom (the Spanish Miracle) and unleashing severe inflation. In December, ETA assassinates Carrero Blanco in Madrid. Arias Navarro succeeds him with the backing of Franco’s family.

1974: Knowing that Franco’s death was imminent, the regime starts to split between moderates and hardliners while ETA consolidates as a lethal enemy of Madrid. Arias Navarro promises freedom of association, but under pressure from hardliners, the proposal ends up being a sham. The opposition favours gradual reform away from Francoism. European leaders encourage PSOE’s social-democratic turn, appointing a young Felipe González as Secretary General. Communist Party (PCE) leader Santiago Carrillo and other exiled figures call for a peaceful, democratic rupture with the regime.

1975: Franco dies in November. King Juan Carlos I is crowned head of state and reinstates Arias Navarro as PM, maintaining an impossible cabinet of both regime hardliners and moderate reformers like Manuel Fraga. ETA and left-wing terror groups step up attacks, while public strikes and protests demand amnesty and democracy. González enters Spain; Carrillo remains abroad.

1976: Arias Navarro’s sluggish reforms cause political deadlock and social unrest. Pressured by the King, he resigns in July. Juan Carlos appoints Fernández-Miranda as President of the Cortes and Torcuato’s former pupil, Adolfo Suárez, as PM. Suárez promises elections for 1977 and skilfully passes the Law for Political Reform through the Francoist parliament, dismantling the regime from within. Suárez tries to build democratic credibility by engaging with González. The more prominent Carrillo remains sidelined, leading the Communists from clandestinity, until he forces the regime to briefly arrest and release him.

1977: Carrillo and Suárez negotiate a pact in person. Suárez legalizes trade unions and, in a risky move during Holy Week, legalizes Carrillo’s PCE. The Communists abandon its Marxist-Leninist doctrine and traditional Republican symbols. In June, Spain holds its first free general election since 1936: Suárez’s UCD wins, closely followed by the renewed PSOE of González. Major parties sign the Moncloa Pacts to stabilize the economy. An Amnesty Law releases political prisoners.

1978: Parliamentary committees draft a consensus constitution guaranteeing fundamental rights, regional autonomy, and a constitutional monarchy. In December, Spanish voters overwhelmingly approve the new Constitution in a national referendum, formally ending the Francoist State and establishing Spain as a modern parliamentary democracy. The government discovers that some security officials are plotting a coup against Suárez, including Guardia Civil Lieutenant Colonel Antonio Tejero, but the main conspirators receive minor penalties.

1979: Spain holds its first elections under the new Constitution: UCD wins again but fails to secure an absolute majority. Regional autonomy statutes pass in Catalonia and the Basque Country. Economic trouble, internal UCD infighting, and rising ETA violence create growing political instability and unrest within the military.

1980: Suárez faces worsening economic crises, mounting regional tensions, and a vote of no confidence tabled by the PSOE. Suárez survives the vote, but his authority inside the UCD collapses as cabinet ministers and faction leaders publicly break ranks, making his government increasingly untenable.

1981: Exhausted by political crisis and plots, Suárez resigns in January. During the parliamentary vote to appoint Leopoldo Calvo-Sotelo as his successor on February 23, Lt. Col. Antonio Tejero leads an attempted military coup (23-F). King Juan Carlos rejects the coup on national television, securing army loyalty and saving the young democracy.

1982: Calvo-Sotelo navigates Spain into NATO despite widespread public opposition. Disintegrating from internal factionalism, the ruling UCD collapses. In the October general elections, Felipe González leads the PSOE to a historic landslide victory, marking the first peaceful transfer of power to a left-wing government and consolidating Spanish democracy.

1983: The newly inaugurated PSOE government launches major economic restructuring and industrial modernization plans to prepare Spain for European integration. Simultaneously, the State initiates decentralisation by establishing the final Autonomous Communities, completing Spain’s territorial map under the 1978 Constitution.

Cole Palmer has signed a new Chelsea contract on improved terms until 2034.

The England international, 24, was already under contract until 2033 but is being rewarded for his performances following his emergence as one of Chelsea‘s key attacking players.

He is also increasingly viewed as a dressing-room leader behind the scenes.

The deal leaves Palmer on one of the longest contracts in the Premier League, with only Manchester City‘s Erling Haaland and Chelsea team-mates Joao Pedro and Geovany Quenda also contracted to 2034.

“Chelsea means a lot to me and I think the club is going in the right direction, so I’m delighted to sign and I’m obviously very happy,” said Palmer.

“Speaking to the owners, to the sporting directors and obviously the manager, they gave me a lot of confidence so it was only right to sign.

“Speaking to players as well, everyone has the same ambitions. I feel like we win major trophies here consistently and I want to be a part of that and play a big role in it too.”

Palmer signed his previous contract only two years ago having joined in a £42.5m move from Manchester City in 2023.

The renewal is the latest in a series of contract extensions at Chelsea designed to reward established and emerging players while maintaining the club’s wage structure.

Joao Pedro also signed a new contract until 2034 in August, followed by Pedro Neto signing a new six-year contract last month.

Palmer has developed a strong understanding with the Brazil forward, while also rekindling his on-pitch partnership with his “best friend in football”, Morgan Rogers, during the early stages of Xabi Alonso’s reign as manager.

He was one of the few people privy to Chelsea‘s negotiations to sign Rogers from Aston Villa for a club-record £117m fee this summer.

Palmer has scored four goals and provided two assists in seven matches this season.

It represents a return to form for Palmer after suffering a niggling groin issue throughout last season, when he admitted he had played through the problem even though he “probably shouldn’t have done”.

Ultimately, his lack of availability led to his omission from England’s World Cup squad over the summer, having previously sought specialist advice on whether surgery was required.

Palmer has played more minutes than any Chelsea player this season but missed England’s recent international break, prompting Thomas Tuchel to say he “misses too many opportunities”.

Alonso confirmed Palmer is expected to be available for Saturday’s game against Bournemouth and insisted he remains committed to playing for England.

“Absolutely. He’s committed, but he needs to be fully fit to play,” Alonso said.

“And when he’s fully fit, he will enjoy his minutes. We need him in that moment. The club and the national team.

“He trained over the past week and has been feeling better, but we didn’t want to rush him.”

Alonso’s side are 10th in the table after five matches, having conceded 12 goals.

More than 664,000 customers in Florida and Alabama have been left without power as Isaias downs trees, power lines.

Hurricane Isaias has crashed into the United States Gulf Coast before losing speed and turning into a post-tropical storm as it moved over southern Alabama, threatening flash flooding and strong winds farther inland.

The US National Hurricane Center (NHC) said on Saturday that Isaias is about 89km (55 miles) south-southwest of Montgomery, with maximum ⁠sustained winds of 100 kilometres per hour (65 ⁠miles per hour).

When it made landfall near Destin, Florida, as the first hurricane of the Atlantic season, Isaias had maximum sustained winds of 169km/h (105mph), the agency said.

Roads in Destin were flooded, while in nearby Pensacola, police warned residents to stay off the streets because of debris across roadways.

While the extent of the damage was not immediately known, many area residents posted pictures online of downed trees and power lines, and one social media video showed a roof being ripped off an inn in Pensacola.

Some Panhandle counties temporarily suspended their emergency response on Friday night because of dangerous conditions.

Parts of southern Alabama were also flooded, with officials in Mobile reporting downed trees and power lines.

Roads in Houston County, which is in the southeastern corner of the state, were closed because of similar conditions.

More than 664,000 customers in Florida and Alabama were without power early Saturday, according to poweroutage.com.

One of the biggest concerns is a storm surge that could reach 0.91-1.52 metres (3-5ft) from Dauphin Island, Alabama, to Florida’s Aucilla River, according to the hurricane centre.

The storm grounded most Friday flights at several airports, including all flights in and out of Destin-Fort Walton Beach Airport.

‘Under control’

Asked about hurricane preparations, President Donald Trump ⁠told reporters outside the White House, “We’re watching it very ⁠closely, the hurricane,” adding that it was “under control”.

Florida’s National Guard deployed about 5,000 soldiers and airmen to help with the response, with search-and-rescue teams ready to respond, while some prisons evacuated inmates.

“Emergency declarations have ‌been approved in Florida and Alabama to ensure federal resources are available to respond to Isaias,” Homeland Security Secretary Markwayne Mullin said on X, as residents ‌were urged to take shelter and watch out for hurricane conditions.

Another tropical storm, Rachel, was also expected to bring strong winds and rain to northern Mexico and Southern California over the weekend.

And Simon has strengthened into a powerful Category 4 hurricane as it barrelled towards Mexico’s coast early on Saturday.

The NHC said Simon’s maximum sustained winds increased to 225km/h (140mph). A storm of that strength or greater is considered a major hurricane.

Simon is expected to bring heavy rainfall over parts of southwestern Mexico, possibly concentrated along the coast of Jalisco and in parts of Michoacan, Colima, and Nayarit.

Forecasters warned of life-threatening flooding and mudslides.

WHEN you picture Dublin, pints of Guinness in the Temple Bar district tend to be the first thing that spring to mind.

But this city is hiding a stunning coastline, with charming seaside towns, craggy castles and beaches so beautiful they’ve earned the stretch the nickname of the Amalfi Coast of Ireland.

Flights cost as little as £21 each way and take just over an hour, so it’s a no-brainer for a budget break combining city and sea.

I ventured along the Dublin Coastal Trail, which stretches from Balbriggan to Killiney, where cliff walks overlook white sands and there are puffin-spotting opportunities aplenty.

It’s fully accessible by public transport, too. I picked up a Dublin Transport Freedom Ticket from £42, which offers 72 hours worth of travel on buses, trams and the Dart (the coastal train linking these spots).

The first stop on my adventure was Dun Laoghaire, a Victorian seaside town around 15 minutes from Dublin city centre by Dart.

WILDE WEEKEND

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WAIL OF A TIME

I drove Irish Route 66 with deserted golden beaches and pirate-like islands

My base was the Royal Marine Hotel, a majestic pink palace that once hosted Frank Sinatra.

A short walk brings you to the Forty Foot, a rocky bathing pool featured in James Joyce’s novel Ulysses and, more recently, on Apple TV’s Bad Sisters.

Locals brave the chilly water year-round, even on Christmas Day, so with the sun shining, I had no excuse.

Plus, visitors can soon warm up at the harbour’s new Helios floating sauna (£21.50pp) where a magnificent floor-to-ceiling window frames paddle-boarders and moored yachts.

Tick off a steak dinner from Casper & Giumbini’s and a delicious treat from Teddy’s ice cream parlour and you’ve done Dun Laoghaire right.

My next stop along the coast was Dalkey, Dublin’s answer to Beverly Hills.

With winding medieval streets and cliffside mansions, it’s an A-list enclave where you might glimpse residents Bono or Enya.

But I wasn’t here for celeb-spotting. It was the seal-spotting I cared about.

A kayak tour (£77) with local guide Jenny took us past seals posing on rocks in curved banana shapes — a sign they feel totally chillaxed, Jenny explained.

We then paddled past bioluminescent moon jellyfish weaving around bladderwrack seaweed, before looping back to Dun Laoghaire, ready for dinner.

This time I gave Hartley’s restaurant a go, where baked salmon followed by a peanut butter brownie rewarded my slightly aching limbs. And if peanut butter brownies sound up your street, you’ll love Blackrock, just over five minutes away by Dart.

This suburb is a bustling hub of artisan bakeries and home to a vintage weekend market you could easily lose hours in.

Armed with a flat white and an iced cinnamon roll from trendy cafe Hatch, I hit the market to sift through a bohemian treasure trove of retro records, vintage dresses and jingling chimes.

This gem of a spot could only be topped by Howth, which might just be my favourite Irish suburb.

Here I met Mark, a local whose Coastal Hike With Pints & Puppies tour (GetYourGuide, £40pp) ticked off a dream combination of activities.

We headed for the Howth Cliff Path on a two-hour loop which offers hands-down Dublin’s most spectacular coastal views.

As we passed turquoise waters shimmering beneath moss-topped cliffs, we came to a lighthouse on a strip of land jutting out over the sea, otherwise known as the Nose of Howth.

In the distance was the small island of Ireland’s Eye, where playful puffins nest.

At local pub The Bloody Stream, Mark’s spaniel puppies (who are likely closer to adulthood by now) mingle with the group.

Mark told me he’s the happiest man in the world to show off the beauty of his town for a living, and I believe him.

If you’re wanting to venture further than Dublin, you can hop on a day’s coach trip with Wild Rover Tours.

The Kilkenny, Wicklow & Glendalough Day Tour (£37) gives you a fast-pass to the neighbouring counties’ best scenery.

Our tour began in Kilkenny, a maze-like medieval city packed with witchy history.

Kilkenny saw Ireland’s first witch trial — that of Alice Kyteler in 1324 — and today you can dine in Kyteler’s Inn, her rumoured former home, marked by the swinging sign of a black cat.

From there we rolled into Glendalough, a glacial valley famous for its glittering twin lakes. After an easy circular loop, we rounded out the afternoon at Cullens Sheep Farm, where farmer Richie led an impressive sheepdog-herding demonstration.

The best part, however, was getting to snuggle up with an adorable fluffy lamb.

You don’t get that at Temple Bar.

Man spreads flammable liquid in a room with 13 children while holding a lighter as police try to negotiate.

Brazilian police have rescued 13 children who had been taken hostage at a kindergarten in the southern city of Curitiba after killing the suspect, who threatened to set fire to the building, according to officials.

At least one of the children was wounded in Friday’s incident, the commander of the military police special forces unit in Parana state, Alexandre Lopes Dias, told reporters without elaborating on who or what injured the child.

Parana police spokesperson Leticia Martins told journalists outside the kindergarten that the suspect jumped the gate on Friday, broke into a classroom and held 13 children hostage.

He then spread a flammable substance in the room and held a lighter in his hand. He was carrying a knife and also what was initially believed to be a firearm, but later was found to be fake.

“Our negotiating teams were in place but saw no alternative but to neutralise him,” said Martins, who did not specify whether the suspect had expressed a specific reason for his actions.

The incident took place in the neighbourhood of Sao Braz in Curitiba, a city of 1.8 million residents located 400km (250 miles) south of Sao Paulo.

Lopes Dias told reporters the suspect was identified as a man who suffered from schizophrenia, but he did not reveal the man’s identity or how he was killed.

“During the entire negotiation, he stayed with all the children around him and one on his lap,” the police official said.

Children beaten

Talks lasted up to three hours. The children became agitated, and the attacker started hitting them, Lopes Dias told reporters.

“Once we realised that the kids were becoming increasingly upset and that the attacker started assaulting them physically, we opted for a tactical intervention to avoid a greater problem,” he explained.

Local media showed footage of tearful parents outside the school waiting for information as the negotiations between the suspect and police were ongoing. Minutes after what local media described as flash bangs, officers emerged carrying some of the children outside.

“We entered the classroom using a very tactical approach with little risk for the children,” Lopes Dias added.

Curitiba Mayor Eduardo Pimentel wrote on Instagram: “The 13 children are alive and safe! After anguishing and tense moments, this is the news we were all waiting for.”

Brazil in recent years has experienced multiple attacks on schools. In April 2023, a man killed four children with an axe at a day care in Blumenau, also in southern Brazil.

Curitiba City Hall said in a statement that the children and school staffers would receive psychological support.

From this month the new rule will start coming in at all UK airports with it fulling in force by early 2027

Anyone with a passport has been warned of a major change for all travellers – coming in early 2027. People who may hve been hit by delays getting back into the UK and tryin to use an eGate has been told of the rule change.

From early 2027, passengers arriving in the UK will be able to pass through the gates without showing their passports, according to the Home Office. East Midlands Airport became the first to offer the new system this week, which uses facial technology to scan passengers on approach.

After taking a photo, the system checks the passenger against verified immigration, travel and passport information. The gate then opens automatically once the checks are complete, meaning passengers do not need to place their passport on the e-gate reader.

If further checks are needed, travellers will need to put their passport on the reader or may be directed to a Border Force officer. After opening at the Leicestershire hub, the Home Office said all UK airports will have contactless e-gates by early 2027. Passengers must still carry their passports, though.

Here’s how it works:

• passengers approach an eGate and have their photo taken
• the system checks this live image against verified immigration, travel and passport information
• the eGate opens automatically once these checks are complete

The system uses state-of-the-art facial technology to verify a passenger’s identity before the UK’s robust border security checks are carried out in full. Legitimate travellers can then simply walk through, without needing to place their passport on the eGate reader.

If further checks are needed, passengers will need to place their passport on the reader or may be directed to a Border Force officer, as happens today. Border Force officers will continue to monitor all eGates offering assistance, and passengers should keep their passport with them at all times.

Testing shows the new contactless system is up to 25% faster than using a passport on an eGate.

The phased rollout starts at East Midlands Airport, initially for British citizens, before expanding to more airports and other nationalities already eligible for eGates over the coming months.

Phil Douglas, Director General of Border Force, said: “This is a win for travellers coming to our brilliant country. By using state-of-the-art technology, we are making journeys smoother and faster, all while fully maintaining the UK’s robust border security.

“Our digital transformation also builds on our work this summer to extend eGates to children aged eight and above, making life a little easier for families.

Karen Dee, chief executive of AirportsUK, the trade body for UK airports, said: “This will be excellent news for the passenger and demonstrates how UK airports continue to be at the forefront of new technologies to keep our borders safe, while improving the travelling experience.

“It is vital that we have the fast, efficient borders that arrivals into the UK now expect, and we will work closely with our members and government officials to ensure a smooth rollout.”

Chris Wilson, Head of Terminal & Capacity Planning at Birmingham Airport, said: “We’re pleased to be one of the first airports in the UK to introduce UK Border Force’s contactless eGates.

“Working closely with our industry partners and government agencies, we have actively supported the rollout of the new UK Border Force system here at Birmingham Airport.”

Customers arriving into the UK will benefit from this new speedier and smoother arrival through the border. Millions of people already use eGates every year – the fastest way for legitimate travellers to enter the UK. This marks the latest step in the government’s efforts to modernise the UK border, delivering on the Immigration White Paper.

Earlier this year to e-gates at UK airports were expanded to include younger children allowing, children aged eight and nine returning to the UK to use e-gates.

The gates use facial recognition technology to check passengers’ identities against the photo in their passport, which is generally quicker than manual inspections. Children must be at least 120cm tall so they can be seen by biometric scanners, and accompanied by an adult.

Under previous rules, only passengers aged 10 and above were allowed to use the gates, forcing families with younger children to queue for passport booths.

In addition to the 13 UK airports with e-gates, children aged eight and nine are also now permitted to use them at ports in Brussels and Paris, where juxtaposed checks take place.

Twenty-one years into its run, “Dancing With the Stars” is one of the hottest and buzziest shows on TV right now.

ABC’s competition series kicked off its 35th season in September, scoring its biggest premiere ratings since 2020. Fueling a lot of that viewership power are Gen Z and millennial viewers, attracted by a cast loaded with social media influencers, reality TV stars and nostalgic favorites. And a certain 55-year-old late-night sidekick has emerged as a social media hit with his lovable underdog journey: Guillermo Rodriguez.

Best known as the former parking lot security guard-turned-sidekick on “Jimmy Kimmel Live!,” who was discovered after he was caught sleeping in the car of the show’s announcer, Rodriguez regularly steals the spotlight on the late-night talk show with his humorous, humble interactions in comedy bits and as a red-carpet correspondent. Now, he’s expanding his profile as a celebrity contestant on “Dancing With the Stars,” paired with dance pro Witney Carson.

Rodriguez says he’s been asked to join the show before, but he passed because of a busy schedule and his insecurity as a dancer — “I’m not a dancer,” he tells me. “I dance when we have Thanksgiving, Christmas, but it’s for two seconds, four seconds. Not a minute and a half!”

He praises Carson, who is competing while pregnant, for her patience and encouragement in his journey.

“Oh, my God, Witney is a great partner,” he says. “She’s telling me, ‘Listen, just follow me. Follow the steps. Remember, do not look at the floor; look up. And just be yourself. If I want to ask you to be a diva, you be a diva. I don’t want you to laugh.’ She’s been fantastic. She’s helping me a lot. She tells me, ‘The audience know that you’re not a professional dancer, and that you’re trying hard and everything. Just enjoy because this only happens once in a lifetime.’” Read more from my conversation with Rodriguez in Guest Spot.

Also in this week’s Screen Gab, our writers recommend a miniseries about a mysterious sea creature terrorizing a small coastal town and a pair of psychological horror dramas exploring female rage. And just a quick PSA — not funded by taxpayers, I promise — before I wrap up: “Felicity” is now streaming on Netflix. If you want to get (re)acquainted with collegiate angst, the art of making “hey” pack the same power as a Keats poem or experience Keri Russell’s controversial haircut moment, give it a whirl. As a superfan who returned to it often when it was on Hulu, it’s my duty to warn you to proceed with caution when it comes to Season 4. — Yvonne Villarreal.

Turn on

Recommendations from the film and TV experts at The Times

Josh Hartnett as Calvin and Mackenzie Davis as Fonda in Netflix’s “Below.”

(Netflix)

“Below” (Netflix)

A first-rate sea monster miniseries, set in a small fishing village in Newfoundland, where the natives add an “s” to some verbs (“anyway you slices it,” “I gets it”), making them sound a little like Popeye. Creator Jesse McKeown drops enough “Jaws” references to let you know he’s aware of the similarities, but “Below,” which goes some crazy places in its latter half, is very much its own aquatic whirligig. Josh Hartnett plays fisherman Calvin Penney, attempting to harvest blue ice for vodka in the face of declining stocks, but finding his haul smelling strangely of ammonia. Mackenzie Davis is marine researcher Fonda Howander (year’s best name), who has an idea about that. (Global warming, your real-world villain.) The series, in which I detect a quality of Canadian naturalism, uses its special effects budget sparingly, and I would say, wisely; when something extraordinary happens, it doubly registers. But the series’ strength is in its evocative background and nicely drawn characters, going about their messy human business, as the town debates whether to let the government transplant them to somewhere less remote while Calvin tries to get his adult kids on his page. — Robert Lloyd

Summer H. Howell as the titular teenager in Prime Video’s “Carrie.”

(Robert Falconer / Prime Video)

“Carrie” (Prime Video) and “Monster: The Lizzie Borden Story” (Netflix)

Killer women usher in the Halloween season with these two new horror series. The TV adaptation of Stephen King’s novel loosely follows the 1976 big-screen classic starring Sissy Spacek, but reimagines the bloody prom queen Carrie (Summer H. Howell) in today’s world, replete with cyberbullies and smartphones. The limited series from horror master Mike Flanagan (“The House on Haunted Hill,” “Midnight Mass”) pits the terror of the modern world — school shootings, conspiracy-theory fanaticism — against a naive girl’s deadly telekinetic powers for a smart and powerful reimagining of the chilling classic. “The Lizzie Borden Story” is the fourth season of the “Monster” anthology series from Ryan Murphy and Ian Brennan, and it stars Ella Beatty as the titular character. With the help of an enviable cast (Sarah Paulson, Vicky Krieps), it dramatizes the events before, during and after the 1892 ax murders of Borden’s father and stepmother, and jumps timelines to connect Borden’s story with that of another violent female killer who shocked the country a century later. Does it take historical liberties? Absolutely, and it makes for a thrilling new take on a notorious chapter in American crime. — Lorraine Ali

Guest spot

A weekly chat with actors, writers, directors and more about what they’re working on — and what they’re watching

Witney Carson and Guillermo Rodriguez perform during Mariah Carey night on “Dancing With the Stars.”

(Eric McCandless / Disney)

When Guillermo Rodriguez signed up to compete on “Dancing With the Stars,” he came in with no dance background and the least nimble body, but he had experience in how to win over fans as the scene-stealing sidekick on “Jimmy Kimmel Live!” Now, Rodriguez has danced the cha-cha, paso doble, foxtrot and samba before millions of people — captivating audiences with assisted knee walks, floor drops and a bare-chested message for the world. He may be the lowest-scoring star on the leaderboard each week, but the 55-year-old knows how to hold an audience and, with professional partner Witney Carson, has managed to stay alive in the competition. After channeling his inner diva for Mariah Carey night on the show (cheekily performing to “Obsessed”) and making it past this week’s elimination round, Rodriguez spoke to us about how he’s feeling at this stage in the competition. — Y.V.

How is the diva life treating you?

Oh, my God, Yvonne, it’s hard work. Being a diva is not easy.

What body part is hurting you today?

You know what — my legs. My legs and my back hurt bad. If you’re in the 20s and 30s, it’s OK, but when you’re like in the 50s, it’s hard. In the 20s and 30s, you have all the energy and also your body is young.

When you get home from rehearsals or after performance night, what’s your routine? Are you doing a bath soak? Are you elevating your feet?

I actually I get in the pool, I get in the hot tub. But someone was telling me I gotta get a massage and I gotta get a cold plunge because that’s gonna help the body. Also, you know what is helping me. I haven’t [had a] drink in two months, and I feel good. I have a shot, I have a drink, so it can relax me and everything. But with “Dancing,” I cannot have a drink because I don’t wanna forget the steps.

You’ve said that you’re doing the show because you want to dance with your wife. How’s that going? Have you been showing her any moves at home?

I have a little bit. And she said, “Well, wait, this is it?” I go, “No, this is only the beginning [steps]. I still got to show [you] more. She goes, “Oh, now I understand why you’re so tired.” And I go, “Yeah, we have to rehearse and everything, and you gotta smile at the camera, you gotta watch your steps, you gotta move your hips and everything.” And I tell her, “When I move to the left, I hear a noise like [mimics creaking noises], ‘Oh, oh, my body is clicking!’ I move left to the left — my knee is making noise!’” But I’m having a lot of fun. It’s great.

How has this experienced changed you so far? How do you feel when you’re out there performing?

It changed me in that I get nervous and it’s hard, but when I go over there [onstage], I like it. I enjoy. You get like a minute and 12 or 40 [seconds], depending on the music. But I’m happy. I get to push myself.

I get out there and [I think], I gotta give my best. And I feel so good because a lot of the audience, they like it a lot. They go crazy and everything, and that makes me feel so good. You know what — I might not be the best dancer, but I’m trying my best, and the people see it. But who knows what’s gonna happen. I might go home next week.

Witney Carson and Guillermo Rodriguez perform the paso doble on “Dancing With the Stars.”

(Christopher Willard / Disney)

We’ve seen you in the bottom a few times. This week, you were there again. What was going through your head this week as you waited for the names to be called?

I feel very nervous. I said, “Oh, my God, this is it. We going home.” I told Witney [before the show], “Witney, I think this is it. I think we’re going home.” She said, “Well, listen, if we’re going home, we did a good job. You told me that you wanna pass the first week, and you already passed the first week, so you don’t have nothing else to lose.” But I feel very nervous. And then when they say, “The couple going home is Ciara [Miller] and Brandon [Armstrong],” I was like, “Oh, my God.” It was hard. And the dance was hard too. Samba is a fast dance. We didn’t have too much time to rehearse because we were going to New York back and forth.

The fandom for “Dancing With the Stars” goes hard. What has surprised you about the fan response?

A lot of the fans are voting for us. I want to say thank you to all the fans. They‘re keeping us alive. They’re voting a lot. They’re making it happen and everything. I was so surprised. [This week,] Carrie Ann [Inaba] give us bad comments, and the audience started booing. I was like, “Wow, this is so amazing! The audience is on our side.” They want us to keep going. And I told Witney, “Witney, we gotta keep going.” We dance for the people. If we make it past next week, it will be great. If we go home, we did it and that’s it.

On the other side of that, there can be some negative talk too, some frustrated fans who think other contestants should still be there. How do you deal with that? Or when the beefs get stirred up on social media? Are you paying attention to that?

I don’t know. The first week I was listening to the comments and everything, but now I don’t listen. I just go have fun. Everybody has different opinions. You cannot please everybody. So I just go have fun, enjoy, and that’s it. If they like it, [or] they don’t like it. Some people say, “Oh, he’s too old. He’s out of shape.” I say, “You know what? Come and dance yourself. It’s not easy.” Every week I try to do better and better.

How do you think Jimmy Kimmel would do in the competition?

Oh — you want me to be honest? He doesn’t dance. And he told me that. He told me, “You know me, that I’m not good.” And I go, “Yeah, I know you’re not good. You’re like a rock.” I told him, “Jimmy. I think when it’s time and they say, ‘Dancing the cha-cha-cha, here’s Jimmy Kimmel,’” I said, “I’m gonna come right away before you start and I’m gonna spray WD-40 so you can move good.”

Is there a song you really want to dance to if you had the opportunity to pick it?

Oh, I would like to dance to one that goes [begins singing “You’re the Best” by Joe “Bean” Esposito, which is featured in the “Karate Kid” soundtrack]: “You’re the best. You’re the best around. No one’s ever gonna keep you down. You’re the best.” I’m like, oh, my God, I would love to dance that one.

I know you’re super busy with all the rehearsals, but is there a show that you are enjoying right now, one that helps you unwind?

Oh yeah, there’s a show that I’m watching right now. It’s called “The Studio” with Seth Rogen. I cannot wait for the new season. I love the show. Seth Rogen is doing a great job. Bryan Cranston too, and Ike Barinholtz. Oh, my God, everyone in the cast is so funny.

We have to get you on that show, Guillermo. You can play yourself.

Yeah, I want to. I want to be in that show. Hopefully, it happens soon.

ICYMI

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The provided text explores Pchum Ben, a significant 15-day religious festival in Cambodiaalso referred to as Ancestors’ Day or the Hungry Ghosts Festival. It marks the conclusion of the Buddhist lent and serves as an occasion for citizens to honor up to seven generations of forebears. Originating during the Angkorian era under animist traditions, the observance smoothly transitioned into a Buddhist practice because both belief systems emphasized veneration for deceased family members. According to local folklore, the event commences when the netherworld portals open, allowing the devil to release spirits, including forgotten relatives, to roam the earth.