May 1 (UPI) — Brazil’s Congress approved legislation that could significantly reduce prison sentences for former President Jair Bolsonaro and several supporters convicted over the 2023 attempted coup.

Both chambers of Congress voted Thursday by wide margins to overturn a veto by President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, allowing changes to how sentences are served for crimes linked to coup attempts.

Local media described the vote as further evidence of tensions between Lula’s government and a Congress dominated by conservative factions.

Newspapers, including Estadão and Folha de S.Paulo, said lawmakers dealt a “double blow” to Lula in less than 24 hours after the Senate also rejected, for the first time in 130 years, a presidential nominee for Brazil’s Supreme Court.

The legislation would directly benefit Bolsonaro, who was sentenced to 27 years in prison for leading the alleged coup plot, as well as dozens of former officials and hundreds of demonstrators linked to the Jan. 8, 2023, assault on government institutions in Brasília.

After the congressional vote, Sen. Flávio Bolsonaro, the former president’s son and a presidential candidate, wrote on X that the decision “is the first step toward full justice for the political persecution victims of Jan. 8.”

“The defeat of the Workers’ Party is the victory of Brazil,” he added.

The measure focuses on changes to sentencing rules. By overturning Lula’s veto, lawmakers established that convicts would no longer serve cumulative sentences for each individual offense, such as criminal association or damage to public property.

Instead, courts would apply only the sentence tied to the most serious crime, sharply reducing total prison time.

In Bolsonaro’s case, the change would cut his sentence from 27 years to a maximum of 12 years. Under Brazilian law, inmates may qualify for legal benefits after serving part of their sentence, potentially allowing the former president to seek parole or the end of his house arrest within an estimated two to four years.

The law is expected to face challenges before the Supreme Federal Court on grounds that Congress may have overstepped judicial authority and violated constitutional principles by altering sentences tied to crimes against the state.

While the court reviews the measure’s constitutionality, judges could suspend its implementation, preventing any immediate reduction of Bolsonaro’s sentence until a final ruling is issued.

Bolsonaro, who has been under temporary humanitarian house arrest since March 27 after suffering bilateral pneumonia, was admitted Friday to DF Star Hospital in Brasília after authorization from Supreme Federal Court Justice Alexandre de Moraes, according to local outlet G1 Globo.

The 71-year-old former president is scheduled to undergo shoulder surgery to repair a torn rotator cuff and related injuries.

The judicial developments come amid early campaigning ahead of Brazil’s October presidential election, where Flávio Bolsonaro is emerging as Lula’s main challenger. Several polls show the two tied in a potential runoff election.

Turkish authorities violently crackdown on May Day demonstrations at Istanbul’s Taksim Square, firing tear gas from riot-control vehicles into the crowd. A Turkish legal organisation says at least 370 people were arrested on Friday.

The 61st Venice Biennale — the world’s most celebrated international exhibition of contemporary art — made headlines Thursday when its awards jury resigned amid a growing controversy over its April 23 decision to exclude countries charged with crimes against humanity by the International Criminal Court.

In the current moment, this specifically meant Israel and Russia, and an uproar ensued — particularly with regard to Israel. The Israel Foreign Ministry blasted the decision on social media, writing in an April 26 post that the boycott “is a contamination of the art world. The political jury has transformed the Biennale from an open artistic space of free, boundless ideas into a spectacle of false, anti-Israeli political indoctrination.”

The jury posted its brief statement of resignation online four days later “in acknowledgment” of its original decree, in which it wrote, “At this edition of the Biennale, we wish to set out our intention — to express our commitment to the defense of human rights,” before explaining it would not consider certain countries for awards.

The Biennale moved swiftly to reverse course after the jury’s resignation, issuing a news release that noted, “All National Participations included in the 61st Exhibition … are eligible … following the principle of inclusion and equal treatment among all participants. This is consistent with the founding spirit of La Biennale, based on openness, dialogue, and the rejection of any form of closure or censorship. La Biennale seeks to be — and must remain — a place of truce in the name of art, culture, and artistic freedom.”

To that end, the awards ceremony originally scheduled to take place on May 9 has been pushed to November 22 — the last day the exhibition is open to the public. There is precedent for “exceptional circumstances” delays, and the last one took place in 2021 as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic.

Without precedent, however, are the newly established awards, created to replace the coveted Golden Lion awards that the jury traditionally hands out to two winners each year. This year, instead of the Golden Lion for best national participation at the Biennale; and the Golden Lion for best participant in the Biennale’s central exhibition, the Biennale has established two Visitors’ Lions to be awarded in the same categories.

Instead of a jury deciding the winners this year, the honor will be left — as the new award name specifies — to the exhibition visitors.

“Visitors eligible to vote for the Visitors’ Lions are ticket holders who have visited both Exhibition venues,” the release reads.

“Visits to both venues will be verified through the ticketing system’s tracking. Each ticket holder may cast one vote for each of the two awards, in one single session.”

Whether Visitors’ Lions will become a Biennale mainstay remains to be seen — but I can imagine the democratic idea might keep its place when the Golden Lions make their return next year.

I’m Arts editor Jessica Gelt doing my best to tread water in difficult times. This is your arts and culture news for the week.

The week ahead: A curated calendar

FRIDAY

Quentin Lee and Justin Lin on the set of their debut feature, “Shopping for Fangs.”

(Margin Films)

Celebrating 30 Years of Margin Films
Award-winning filmmaker Quentin Lee and his production company mark three decades in the business with a weeklong screening series. Lee’s breakout 1997 debut “Shopping for Fangs,” co-directed by Justin Lin, is the opening film. Also screening: “Ethan Mao,” Saturday; “The People I’ve Slept With,” Sunday; “The Unbidden,” Monday; “Rez Comedy,” Tuesday; “Last Summer of Nathan Lee,” Wednesday; and a sneak peak of three episodes of the Canadian TV series “Comedy InvAsian III,” Thursday. Selected screening includes a Q&A. Lee is also releasing a book, “Cinemasianamerica,” commemorating the occasion.
Each film screens one day, 1:30, 4:30 and 7:30 p.m., through Thursday. Laemmle Royal, 11523 Santa Monica Blvd., West L.A. laemmle.com

Dvořák and Korngold
Conductor Andrés Orozco-Estrada and the Los Angeles Philharmonic pay tribute to Michael Tilson Thomas, who died April 22, with his composition “Agnegram,” and perform Korngold’s “Concerto in D major for Violin and Orchestra” with violinist María Dueñas. The evening concludes with “Symphony No. 7 in D minor” by Dvořák.
8 p.m. Friday and Saturday; 2 p.m. Sunday. Walt Disney Concert Hall, 111 S. Grand Ave., downtown L.A. laphil.com

Anna Van Valin, from left, Elias Scoufaras and Bruce Nozick in “Warsaw” at International City Theatre.

(Jordan Gohara)

Warsaw
The world premiere of British playwright and “Selma” screenwriter Paul Webb’s drama about the fate of a woman whose life links two monumental historic moments, World War II and Sept. 11.
7:30 p.m. Thursdays, Fridays and Saturdays; 2 p.m. Sundays, through May 17. International City Theatre, 330 E. Seaside Way, Long Beach. ictlongbeach.org

SATURDAY

• • The Kronos Quartet, from left: Gabriela Díaz, David Harrington, Ayane Kozasa and Paul Wiancko.

(Danica Taylor)

Kronos Quartet
The West Coast premiere of the group’s latest large-scale multimedia project, “Three Bones,” which combines live performance, video, visual art, recordings and environmental sound to explore the histories of Indigenous, Gullah Geechee and Chinese American communities in the United States.
6 p.m. UC Santa Barbara campus, Campbell Hall. artsandlectures.ucsb.edu

Michael Caine, from left, Scarlett Johansson and Hugh Jackman in the “The Prestige,” screening Saturday at the Aero.

(Francois Duhamel / Touchstone & Warner Bros. Pictures)

The Prestige
Hugh Jackman and Christian Bale square off as rival magicians in a 20th anniversary 35mm screening of Christopher Nolan’s sci-fi thriller.
7:30 p.m. Aero Theatre, 1328 Montana Ave., Santa Monica. americancinematheque.com

The cast of “Carlota: Alhajero de Secretos,” opening Saturday at LATC.

(Teatro Alebrijes)

Carlota: Alhajero de Secretos
Writer-directors Rodrigo García and Ugho Badú reimagine Federico García Lorca’s tragedy “The House of Bernarda Alba.” The co-production between San José-based LGBTQ+ ensemble Teatro Alebrijes and L.A.’s Latino Theater Company is in Spanish with English supertitles.
8 p.m. Thursdays, Fridays and Saturdays; 2 p.m. Sundays, through May 24. Los Angeles Theatre Center, 514 S. Spring Street, downtown L.A. latinotheaterco.org

SUNDAY

Henri Lubatti in “Exit the King” at A Noise Within.

(Daniel Reichert)

Exit the King
Eugène Ionesco’s classic absurdist comedy about a desperate monarch who refuses to admit his time has come, translated by Donald Watson and directed by Michael Michetti.
Previews, 2 p.m. Sunday; 7:30 p.m. Wednesday, Thursday and May 8; opening night, 7:30 p.m. May 9; runs through May 31. A Noise Within, 3352 E. Foothill Blvd., Pasadena. anoisewithin.org

Organist Anna Lapwood performs at Walt Disney Concert Hall on Sunday.

(Gerald Matzka / Getty Images)

Anna Lapwood
The popular organist performs work from “The Da Vinci Code,” “The Hunchback of Notre Dame,” “The Lord of the Rings,” “Star Wars Episode I – The Phantom Menace,” “Flight” and “Pirates of the Caribbean,” as well as Olivia Belli’s organ solo “Limina Luminis,” in this recital.
7:30 p.m. Walt Disney Concert Hall, 111 S. Grand Ave., downtown L.A. laphil.com

TUESDAY

Willie Birch, “Uptown Memories (A Day in the Life of the Magnolia Project),” 1995. Painted papier-mâché and mixed media, 82 × 62 × 60 in. New Orleans Museum of Art.

(Roman Alokhin)

Willie Birch: Stories to Tell
This career retrospective details Birch’s exploration of the Black American experience since the 1960s, posing difficult questions along the way in his work as an artist, community organizer and “cultural provocateur.”
10 a.m. to 5 p.m. Tuesdays to Saturdays; 11 a.m. to 5 p.m. Sundays, through Oct. 21. California African American Museum, 600 State Drive, Exposition Park. caamuseum.org

Lucía performs Tuesday at the Carpenter Center in Long Beach.

(Shervin Lainez)

Jazz in Long Beach
Two jazz-influenced acts come to the Carpenter Center next week. Lucía brings her signature mix of traditional American jazz and Latin folk in a Spotlight Sessions concert on the Cabaret Stage. She’ll also be performing songs from her forthcoming album. “The Magic of Manhattan Starring Benny Benack III” is a tribute to the Big Apple and the songs and singers most associated with it, including Blossom Dearie, Frank Sinatra and Billy Joel.
Lucía, 8 p.m. Tuesday; Benny Benack III, 7 p.m. Wednesday and Thursday. Carpenter Center, 6200 E. Atherton St., Long Beach. carpenterarts.org

Smith, Cabezas & Childs
Molly Turner conducts the LA Phil New Music Group, with multi-instrumentalist and vocalist Gabriella Smith, cellist Gabriel Cabezas and jazz pianist Billy Childs in a program of eco-friendly music curated by Smith, including compositions by Smith, Childs, Michael Gordon, John Cage and Esa-Pekka Salonen.
8 p.m. Walt Disney Concert Hall, 111 S. Grand Ave., downtown L.A. laphil.com

WEDNESDAY
Andrés Jaramillo: A Journey of Immigrants, Part II
The Colombian American pianist follows up on his January 2025 program with a celebration of the global cultural exchange created by immigrants, placing Latin American composers within the Romantic tradition. Featuring works by Chopin, Calvo, Mejía, Barber, Lecuona, Friedhoff-Calvo and Pinzón-Arroyo. Presented by Piano Spheres.
8 p.m. Wednesday. Thayer Hall at Colburn School, 200 S. Grand Ave., downtown L.A. pianospheres.org

Morgan Freeman, left, and Brad Pitt star in David Fincher’s 1995 film “Seven.”

(Robert Isenberg / New Line Cinema)

Seven
A 4k screening of David Fincher’s 1995 thriller about two cops on the trail of a serial killer. Appearances by production designer Arthur Max and set decorator Clay Griffith.
7:30 p.m. Academy Museum, 6067 Wilshire Blvd. academymuseum.org

THURSDAY

“Dancing with Bob: Rauschenberg, Brown & Cunningham Onstage” at the Wallis, May 7 to 9.

(The Wallis Annenberg Center for the Performing Arts)

Dancing With Bob: Rauschenberg, Brown & Cunningham Onstage
This kinetic retrospective captures the cross-disciplinary collaborations between vanguard artist Robert Rauschenberg and choreographers Trisha Brown (“Set and Reset,” with an electronic score by Laurie Anderson) and Merce Cunningham (“Travelogue,” created with John Cage).
7:30 p.m. Thursday and May 8; 2 p.m. May 9. The Wallis, 9390 N. Santa Monica Blvd., Beverly Hills. thewallis.org

The Physicists
Albert Einstein and Isaac Newton are residents of an insane asylum beset by murder, mayhem, espionage and questions about the morality and ethics of science in this 1962 German satire by Friedrich Dürrenmatt. Directed by Brent Hinkley.
8 p.m. Thursdays and Saturdays; 2 p.m. Sundays, through June 20. The Actors’ Gang Theater, 9070 Venice Blvd., Culver City. theactorsgang.com

Arts anywhere

New and recent releases of arts-related media.

The Adding Machine
Currently running at the Theater at St. Clement’s in Hell’s Kitchen, New York City, through May 17, this New Group production with a revised script by Thomas Bradshaw receives a one-time livestream next week. “[Elmer] Rice’s expressionist drama is known for being a tale of man vs. machine in an age of merciless efficiency, but inhumanity in a broader sense is its true core subject,” wrote Laura Collins-Hughes in a recent New York Times review. “The happy news about Scott Elliott’s handsome yet under-realized revival … is what a delight Daphne Rubin-Vega is to watch as Mr. Zero.” The cast also features Sarita Choudhury, Michael Cyril Creighton and Jennifer Tilly. The League of Live Stream Theater: 4 p.m. Tuesday. $40, includes 24-hour replay.

Art Work
Photographer and writer Sally Mann weighs in on the creative process with stories, advice and life lessons, all illustrated with photos, journal entries and letters, making for a compelling, often surprising journey. Abrams Books: 272 pages, $35

“Insomnia & Seven Steps to Grace” by Joy Harjo.

(Smithsonian Folkways Recordings)

Insomnia and Seven Steps to Grace
The new album by Joy Harjo, the first Native American to be named United States Poet Laureate, serving from 2019 to 2022, combines jazz, funk, rock and Native music sounds with her signature “vibration of love” as she boldly confronts injustice and draws inspiration from ancestral memory and the political turmoil of the moment. The double LP’s packaging features original art by Harjo and the poet’s extensive liner notes. Five-time Grammy winner Esperanza Spalding produced as well as contributed vocals and played bass on the project. Smithsonian Folkways: Double vinyl LP ($33), CD ($17), hi-res digital download ($13), digital download ($10).

— Kevin Crust

Culture news and the SoCal scene

Michael Tilson Thomas in 2018.

(Paul Marotta/Getty Images)

Times classical music critic Mark Swed wrote a lovely appreciation of conductor Michael Tilson Thomas, who died last week at the age of 81. Tilson Thomas, Swed wrote, “made music matter by making hope matter. He was, moreover, one of us. He achieved greatness though an epic amplification of a uniquely L.A. positivity in which grumpy became wistful.”

LA Opera music director James Conlon is preparing to step down after a record 20 seasons with the company, and in a recent story, Swed cataloged his impressive numbers: “More than 500 performances of 70 different operas at the Dorothy Chandler Pavilion and occasional neighboring venues, such as the Cathedral of Our Lady of the Angels.” Swed attended a recent farewell gala and noted some highlights, including excerpts from “The Marriage of Figaro.”

Times theater critic Charles McNulty spent a recent trip to New York almost entirely in various Broadway theaters, catching up on what he says is a “strange season by all accounts.” McNulty notes that Broadway is still the place acting powerhouses like Adrien Brody, John Lithgow and Laurie Metcalf go in search of the kind of depthy material increasingly unavailable onscreen. He looks at four such shows — and their epic leading actors — including “Death of a Salesman,” “Giant,” “The Fear of 13” and “Dog Day Afternoon.”

David Henry Hwang (book adapter, “Flower Drum Song”) and Alexandra Silber (book adapter, “Brigadoon”) at the James Irvine Japanese Garden in Little Tokyo.

(Jason Armond/Los Angeles Times)

Malia Mendez wrote a great piece about a trio of classic musicals running concurrently in L.A. She takes a closer look at “Flower Drum Song,” adapted for East West Players by David Henry Hwang; “Brigadoon,” adapted for Pasadena Playhouse by Alexandra Silber; and “The Sound of Music” at the Hollywood Pantages. All three were originally written by two of the 20th century’s most dynamic and celebrated writing duos: Rodgers and Hammerstein (“Flower Drum Song” and “The Sound of Music”) and Lerner and Loewe (“Brigadoon”). And all still resonate in modern times.

Mendez also wrote about a special event taking place this weekend called Night at the Library — held as part of the downtown Central Library’s centennial celebration. “The four-hour extravaganza Saturday will feature more than 200 artists and 25 to 30 activations peppered throughout the library campus, plus DJ sets and local food truck fare. Highlighted performers include Bob Baker Marionette Theater and Los Angeles Master Chorale,” Mendez writes.

Doug Chiang, Podrace Crash, production art for “Star Wars: Episode I – The Phantom Menace,” 1995-99.

(Lucas Museum of Narrative Art)

The Lucas Museum of Narrative Art unveiled its inaugural exhibitions this week — noting that all 20 were curated by George Lucas himself. The $1-billion museum will open to the public on the first day of fall and the exhibits will be shown in more than 30 galleries spread over 100,000 square feet of exhibition space. And, yes, “Star Wars” memorabilia will be part of the “cinema” exhibit with large-scale vehicle installations, production designs, props and costumes.

Lincoln Clauss, center, as the Emcee in Asolo Repertory Theatre’s “Cabaret,” at the Old Globe.

(Courtesy of Cliff Roles)

The board of directors of San Diego’s Old Globe named Trish Santini as the theater’s new managing director. Santini joins Artistic Director Barry Edelstein as a co-chief executive, and enters her new role on July 1. Among other arts leadership posts, Santini was the inaugural executive director of Little Island in New York City, and led the launch of the $250-million public park and performance venue.

— Jessica Gelt

And last but not least

The Times Food section calls to me yet again with this headline: “L.A.’s best rotisserie chicken may be at this former gas station in Pasadena.”

LONDON — President Trump sang the praises of King Charles III after the monarch’s state visit this week. He even lifted some tariffs on Scotch whisky as a favor to the British monarch.

The king delivered a diplomatic master-class on the trip, mixing praise for his host with subtle criticism. It’s unclear, though, whether it will make a major difference to a trans-Atlantic relationship troubled by divisions over issues including the Iran war.

“In the short term probably yes, in the long term probably no,” said Kristofer Allerfeldt, a University of Exeter professor specializing in American history. But he said Charles had “definitely clawed back some of the prestige of the monarchy” in his homeland with his assured performance.

“He’s done us proud,” Allerfeldt said.

Like all royal visits, the four-day trip to Washington, New York and Virginia by the king and Queen Camilla was a carefully choreographed diplomatic event carried out at the request of the U.K. government. Timed to help mark the United States’ 250th birthday, it was a chance to heal rifts between the U.K. government and the Trump administration.

Trump has criticized Keir Starmer

The president has lambasted Prime Minister Keir Starmer — whom he once praised — over his unwillingness to join U.S. military attacks on Iran, dismissing Britain’s leader as “not Winston Churchill,” the World War II prime minister who coined the phrase “special relationship” for the U.K.-U.S. bond.

It’s part of a wider split between Trump and the United States’ NATO allies, whom he has called “cowards” and “useless” for not joining action against Iran.

None of that has soured Trump’s fondness for the British monarchy, which seems to have been deepened by the president’s unprecedented second state visit to the U.K. in September.

Some U.K. opposition politicians had called for the king’s reciprocal trip to be canceled, lest the president do or say something to embarrass the monarch.

In the end, there was much warmth and few awkward moments — though Trump did not always adhere to the convention that conversations with the monarch should remain private.

At a white-tie state dinner on Tuesday, Trump said “Charles agrees with me, even more than I do” that Iran must never have nuclear weapons.

Trump also said that “if that were up to him,” the king “would have followed the suggestions we made with respect to Ukraine.”

Buckingham Palace appeared relaxed about Trump’s Iran comment, noting that “the king is naturally mindful of his government’s longstanding and well-known position on the prevention of nuclear proliferation.”

The king’s speech chided Trump policies

On Ukraine, however, differences were clear. The U.K. has been one of Kyiv’s strongest supporters in its fight against Russia’s invasion, and in a speech to Congress the king underscored the importance of the need for “unyielding resolve” to support Ukraine.

It was one of several implicit rebukes to the “America first” U.S. administration in the speech, the centerpiece moment of the trip.

With regal understatement and in a cut-glass accent, Charles stressed the essential role of NATO, the importance of checks on executive power, the threat posed by climate change and the strength drawn from “vibrant, diverse and free societies.” He spoke of his pride at having served in the Royal Navy, a force Trump has disparaged.

“It’s difficult to imagine he could have gone much further in what he said and what he didn’t say,” historian Anthony Seldon told The Guardian. “He judged it incredibly well: very brave, very smart, very clever.”

Allerfeldt noted the “extraordinary” reception from both sides of the political aisle to the speech, which drew multiple standing ovations.

“Apart from the section on the natural world and the environment, both Republicans and Democrats stood up and applauded,” he said.

In a less formal speech at the state banquet, the king even drew laughs when he joked about British troops burning down the White House in 1814.

The king alluded to Epstein’s victims

The trip was judged a success despite the shadow of the king’s younger brother Andrew Mountbatten-Windsor, who has been stripped of his royal title of Prince Andrew, exiled from public life and put under police investigation over his friendship with Jeffrey Epstein. He has denied committing any crimes.

Epstein victims had urged the king to meet with them and other sexual abuse survivors. He didn’t, but he did refer obliquely to the issue in his speech to Congress, mentioning the need to “support victims of some of the ills that, so tragically, exist in both our societies today.”

Andrew Lownie, author of a biography of the former Prince Andrew called “Entitled,” praised the speech as “the best defense of the monarchy in years.”

After the royal couple left the U.S., Trump announced he was lifting certain tariffs on Scotch “in honor of the King and Queen of the United Kingdom.”

Buckingham Palace toasted the announcement, saying the king “sends his sincere gratitude for a decision that will make an important difference to the British whisky industry and the livelihoods it supports.”

Trump called the king “a phenomenal representative” for his country, before turning back to a familiar theme: criticizing Starmer.

The president told Sky News that Charles is “a much different person than your prime minister.

“Your prime minister has to learn to deal the way he deals, and he’ll do a lot better,” he said.

Lawless writes for the Associated Press.

Tennessee told Nico Iamaleava to go fly a kite, so UCLA said come fly it here.

That alleviated some homesickness, but it didn’t get Iamaleava’s career up off the ground. Of course, the conditions in Westwood last season weren’t ideal for takeoff.

But now they are.

Here comes Bob Chesney’s rebuild. And Iamaleava’s redemption. An exceptional head coach and an exciting quarterback, with the wind at their backs, racing toward a relatively breezy schedule?

USC defensive tackle Carlon Jones grabs UCLA quarterback Nico Iamaleava during a game on Nov. 29.

(Kyusung Gong / Associated Press)

Sky’s the limit, man.

Watch them dip and dance and make defenders miss all the way to New York. Watch the cautionary tale about the perils of the transfer portal turn into a fairy-tale comeback.

No, that’s not me building castles in the sky.

Consider the unprecedented heights to which Chesney took tiny James Madison, and think of the places he can go with a junior QB whose trajectory had him headed toward Heisman Trophy hopefuldom before turbulence hit.

Iamaleava arrived in Knoxville, Tenn., with more hype than any quarterback since Peyton Manning. The 6-foot-6 Long Beach native, with an outside hitter’s rocket arm and the gazelle-like gait, was considered the nation’s No. 2 overall recruit out of Warren High in Downey. As a redshirt freshman in 2024, he won 10 games and led the Volunteers to the College Football Playoff.

Heisman buzz was building. Until it wasn’t, deadened last spring by the contract dispute that was debated ‘round the college football world. There was disagreement between Iamaleava’s camp and Tennessee — which was reportedly paying him more than $2 million per season, less than the going rate for some comparable quarterbacks and more than the Bruins reportedly offered.

UCLA — 3-9 last season and with only two bowl appearances in eight years — isn’t anyone’s idea of a shortcut back to glory. But there is this: The Bruins seem really to have Ted Lasso’d a certain energy these days. A can-do frequency. Joy and positivity are in.

The women’s basketball team danced its way through the Big Dance and emerged as national champs.

UCLA coach Bob Chesney leads the Bruins through their first spring football practice at Spaulding Field on April 2.

(Robert Gauthier/Los Angeles Times)

Alysa Liu, the figure-skating psychology-student Olympic champion? She said there’s a new golden rule: Am I having a good time?

And mercy, the No. 6-ranked softball team — whose silly postgame interviews have gone viral — is having a record-smashing season.

Now we also have Chesney extra-cheesing out here, showing up with free pizzas at fraternities, outreach to get the bros out to the Bruins’ spring game Saturday at the Rose Bowl.

But how does Iamaleava fit into this bright motif?

Perfectly, actually. When I asked him last year what he was telling his teammates after head coach DeShaun Foster was fired three weeks into the season, sky falling, wheels falling off, Iamaleava smiled his easy smile: “Man, just keep the belief.”

If that reads like a cliché, imagine the coolest guy in school saying it, and meaning it.

Iamaleava has a Long Beach lean, laid back and comfortable in his skin. He’s super-tight with his seven siblings, and super-proud of their Samoan heritage. And even though he and his younger brother Madden, a backup UCLA quarterback, were always “the toughest dudes on the field,” former Warren coach Kevin Pearson said, “they are the nicest, sweetest off of it.”

But wasn’t Nico the villain? The bad guy? That disloyal, greedy kid at the center of college football’s first apparent holdout?

The criticism was so loud — and so wrong, Pearson said — it had the man stressing. “It made my stomach hurt,” he said, “what people were saying about Nico.”

Pan out and Nico is a face in a crowd. For example, of the top 600 football prospects in the class of 2021, more than 60% of them transferred at least once, and 42 of the top 50 quarterbacks changed schools, according to the Athletic.

And he was about the only thing that was good about last season’s Bruins.

UCLA quarterback Nico Iamaleava passes the ball during an upset of Penn State at the Rose Bowl on Oct. 4.

(Gina Ferazzi/Los Angeles Times)

He was their leading passer and rusher. Of UCLA’s 24 touchdowns, he accounted for 17, including five in the Bruins’ 42-37 victory over No. 7 Penn State, which earned him a slew of national weekly honors, including Big Ten Offensive Player of the Week.

But the Bruins won only three games. The whole season was a hot mess, though you wouldn’t have known it, talking to Nico.

He seemed to get it. Not like he understood the assignment of rehabilitating his image, but with the sincerity of someone who appreciates what’s actually hard.

You might remember, his mom, Leinna, was diagnosed with breast cancer when he was 14.

“She definitely opened my eyes, just as a young kid growing up,” said Iamaleava, noting that she is OK now, busy traveling all over the country with his younger volleyball-playing sisters.

“She got diagnosed my freshman year and it was just kind of time to grow up and take care of the little ones. That changed my mindset and my perspective on life. Life’s short, you know? And we’re very blessed to be here and wake up every day.”

Nico could have been defensive in the face of criticism and failure, but he never was. Could have disappeared after defeats as some quarterbacks have, but he didn’t.

His mantra: “That’s on me, man.” Even when it wasn’t.

Despite everything, he was overly accountable, gracious under pressure, upbeat.

“Think about what he had to go through last year,” Chesney said. “He got the preseason, had a couple weeks with the guys, then he got into season, had a couple weeks with the guys, and then all hell broke loose, right?

UCLA offensive linemen Garrett Digiorgio, left, and Sam Yoon, right, help quarterback Nico Iamaleava up after he ran for extra yards against Penn State at the Rose Bowl on Oct. 4.

(Gina Ferazzi/Los Angeles Times)

“To be able to stick with it and stay through that, you’re just probably trying to keep your head above water. And a lot of our conversations are about that, ‘Hey, this is different this time around.’”

Way different. Chesney has revamped UCLA’s roster with 40-plus transfers, including several key contributors from the JMU team that made the College Football Playoff.

And then there’s Nico, looking like everybody’s big brother at spring practices, smack-talking and celebrating the guys, as engaged as Chesney but easier to spot because his golden helmet glistens above everyone else’s.

“We did a leadership vote,” Chesney said, “and it was undeniable, [Nico] was the No. 1 vote on this entire team to be the leader. And I wanted to just share that with him and make sure he didn’t have to wonder, ‘Do these guys respect me?’ They do. And not only by the position you play, but by the way you play it. By the way you handle it off the field.”

By smiling through it all, even in the immediate aftermath of the Bruins’ loss to New Mexico, their third loss in as many weeks, when it looked like UCLA might not win all season.

“This is a game that as a little kid you loved to play,” Nico said that night. “A lot of [us] are treating this like a job. We gotta get back to having fun.”

And now that Nico and the new-look Bruins have that kite in the air, watch them run with it.

In a world of smartphones and content creators, airlines have strict rules on taking photos or videos while on board, with British Airways tightening its passenger regulations

Every airline has passenger regulations, but holidaymakers may not be aware of the restrictions on taking photos during a flight, as British Airways tightens its rules.

Heading off on holiday is always an exciting time, and it’s natural to want to document the journey, from arriving at the airport and boarding the plane to landing at that sun-drenched destination. But for those eager to take photos or videos during their flight, there are stringent guidelines to follow.

A vast number of airlines that fly thousands of Brits to holiday hotspots every year have specific policies on using a camera on board. While they affirm that it’s not a blanket ban and passengers are still allowed to take photos or videos during the flight, they can’t capture everything on board.

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Just recently, British Airways introduced tougher guidelines on taking photos and videos while on board and revised its passenger terms. In an update under section 11a on its ‘behaviour on the aircraft’ conditions, the airline noted that none of its crew should be filmed without their consent.

The update stated: “If, while you are on board the aircraft, we reasonably believe that you have filmed, live-streamed or photographed our crew or other colleagues without their consent, we may take any measures we think reasonable to prevent you continuing your behaviour.”

The airline went on to warn that passengers who fail to comply with these rules could be asked to disembark upon landing or be refused passage on the remaining legs of their journey, as shown on their ticket. That’s not all; the incident could be reported to the relevant authorities “with a view to them prosecuting” the passenger for any criminal offences that may have been committed.

BA also pointed out that if diversion expenses arise due to unacceptable conduct, and they redirect the aircraft to an “unscheduled place of destination” and remove a passenger from the plane, that traveller will be liable for the “reasonable and proper costs of the diversion”.

They’re not the only airline to have a policy of this nature in place. Outlining their own policies on the common habit, a Virgin Atlantic spokesperson told the Mirror: “We know our customers enjoy capturing moments during their journey, and photography and filming are permitted onboard. However, we ask that customers always seek permission before including other people, including our crew, in any photos or videos. The comfort and well-being of our customers and crew is always our priority, and our crew may ask customers to stop filming or photographing to protect the privacy of those onboard.”

Meanwhile a spokesperson for Wizz Air told us: “Wizz Air is proud of its cabin crew, who play a vital role in maintaining the safety and security of everyone on board. Filming or taking pictures of cabin crew without their consent is not tolerated on board. Passengers are required to follow crew instructions at all times, and where behaviour is considered disruptive, unsafe, or causes concern to crew or other passengers, appropriate action may be taken in line with our Conditions of Carriage. Our priority is always to help ensure a safe and respectful onboard environment for both passengers and crew.”

As for easyJet, a spokesperson told us: “Customers are welcome to take personal photos and videos as long as it doesn’t disturb the privacy of other customers or include the crew without their consent, so everyone can have a pleasant flight.”

Meanwhile, Ryanair states in its terms and conditions: “Recording or photographing our personnel, whether at the airport or onboard the plane, without their consent is strictly prohibited. Only recordings or photographs personal to you may be permitted.”

While airlines have these regulations in place, it doesn’t mean holidaymakers can’t document their flights. They’re still free to capture images of their seat, the view through the window, cabin features, meals, drinks and any other personal moments – provided they don’t film a crew member directly without their permission.

The same rule applies to photographing or filming fellow passengers on board without their consent. So as long as travellers remain mindful of their surroundings and what they’re recording, it shouldn’t be an issue.

Do you have a travel story to share? Email webtravel@reachplc.com

May 1 (UPI) — The military government in Myanmar announced former leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi, who was ousted in 2021, has been moved from prison to house arrest.

Military leader Min Aung Hlaing released a statement to state media saying 80-year-old Aung San Suu Kyi, who was sentenced to 27 years in prison after the military coup, will serve the remainder of her sentence on house arrest at an undisclosed location.

Aung San Suu Kyi’s party came to power in 2015. She had previously spent decades as a pro-democracy activist, leading to her spending more than 15 years under house arrest. She was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize for her efforts in 1991.

Her whereabouts since being convicted on charges including corruption and election fraud in 2021 have not been confirmed, but it is believed that she was being held at a military prison in Nay Pyi Taw, the nation’s capital.

The former leader’s son, Kim Aris, said he is skeptical of the announcement. He said a photo of his mother recently released by the military is “meaningless” as it was taken in 2022.

“I hope this is true. I still haven’t seen any real evidence to show that she has been moved,” Kim Aris told the BBC. “So, until I’m allowed communication with her, or somebody can independently verify her condition and her whereabouts, then I won’t believe anything.”

LEONARDO DiCaprio is facing business woes as the trendy vegan shoe brand he backed continues to haemorrhage millions.

The star’s favoured label has been left relying on cash injections from wealthy investors to keep it afloat.

British shoemaker LØCI, in which Leo is a key investor, makes 100% cruelty-free trainers using recycled bamboo, foam and rubber.

Each £160 pair reuses up to 20 plastic bottles recovered from the Mediterranean and the east coast of Africa.

The brand has proved popular with celebrities including Ben Affleck, Mila Kunis and Eva Longoria, while fellow investor Nicki Minaj has her own range.

But following Leo’s investment, the firm’s finances took a nosedive and it now has just £7,355 listed as “cash at bank and in hand”.

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Newly released accounts for Wild Loci Ltd also show accumulated losses of £2,904,888, while the company owes £931,130 to creditors.

The figures, filed this week, reveal the business is being propped up by investment totalling £5,170,947.

That leaves it with equity of £2,280,760 despite the significant losses.

The company also risks being struck off by Companies House after filing its accounts late for two consecutive years.

It has also been late submitting its annual “confirmation statement”, a legal requirement.

The government website warns: “Not filing your confirmation statements, annual returns or accounts is a criminal offence – and directors or LLP designated members could be personally fined in the criminal courts.”

Currently, the brand is offering dozens of shoes at half price, including the “Origins” trainer, which features a “natural cork and recycled foam insole”.

All of Nicki Minaj’s range is also heavily discounted, including the “Barbie Dangerous” and “Itty Bitty Piggy” sneakers.

At the time of Leonardo DiCaprio’s investment, founder Emmanuel Eribo said: “He’s an absolute star and sees the world the same way we see it. It’s been an absolute blessing having him on the team. You can’t ignore it’s a British brand and he’s betting on it.

“He didn’t need to do this, there’s definitely something in there that is tugging on him.

“If I could say things about Leo, I’d probably use two words: genuine and kind. You can care about the world and still want good things.”

At the time, Leo said he was “proud” to be an investor, adding: “I am proud to be an investor in LØCI, a brand dedicated to minimising its environmental impact, and centred around creating cruelty-free, ethical footwear.”

LØCI have been approached for comment.

WASHINGTON — When Homeland Security Secretary Markwayne Mullin was questioned by senators during his confirmation hearing about his vision for implementing President Trump’s mass deportation agenda, he said his goal was to keep his department off the front pages of the news.

To some degree, he has. Gone are the social media video clips of now-retired Border Patrol commander Greg Bovino clashing with protesters. Mullin’s predecessor, Kristi Noem, made her first trip as secretary to New York City to make arrests with Immigration and Customs Enforcement. In contrast, Mullin went to North Carolina to review hurricane recovery efforts.

The Republican administration appears to be recalibrating its approach to a centerpiece policy that helped bring Trump back to the White House, moving in many ways away from aggressive, public-facing tactics toward a quieter approach to enforcement. Despite that shift, the administration insists it is not backing down from its lofty deportation goals.

“Clearly they’ve stepped back from the, for want of a better word, the Bovinoist tactics of before,” said Mark Krikorian, the president of the Center for Immigration Studies, which advocates for immigration restrictions. “But it’s not clear this means they’re actually stepping back from immigration.”

The Trump administration launched a series of immigration enforcement operations last year in mostly Democratic-led cities, which drove up arrests in large-scale sweeps. The crackdown sparked clashes between protesters and enforcement officers and led to the shooting deaths in Minneapolis of two U.S. citizens.

Since then, the president’s hard-line anti-immigration agenda has lost popularity with voters and there have been no new high-profile city-based operations launched, raising questions about the administration’s strategy.

“We’re still enforcing immigration laws. We’re still deporting illegals that shouldn’t be here. We’re still going after the worst of the worst — but we’re doing it in a more quiet way,” Mullin said in an interview April 16 with CNBC.

Immigration arrests have dropped, but deportation goals remain

ICE arrests have fallen in recent months, and the number of people in immigration detention has dropped from a high of roughly 72,000 in January to 58,000 this week, according to data obtained by The Associated Press.

But in a sign of its continued determination, ICE in budget documents says it plans to remove 1 million people this fiscal year and the next compared with roughly 442,000 people last year. The agency also has plenty of money to carry out its mission, with Congress granting the Department of Homeland Security more than $170 billion for Trump’s immigration agenda last year.

The administration aims to have enough space to detain roughly 100,000 people this fiscal year, which would more than double the average daily number held in ICE detention last year. The administration has already expanded its detention capacity with the purchase of 11 warehouses across the country.

“They are working on really building a juggernaut of a system,” said Doris Meissner, who headed the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service, a predecessor to ICE, during President Bill Clinton’s Democratic administration and is now a senior fellow at the Migration Policy Institute.

White House spokesperson Abigail Jackson said there had been no change to Trump’s strategy.

“President Trump’s highest priority has always been the deportation of illegal alien criminals who endanger American communities,” Jackson said.

ICE did not respond to repeated requests for comment.

Stripping away legal protections to ramp up deportations

Advocates for immigrants are bracing for the Trump administration to turn its attention more intently to stripping away protections for migrants with temporary legal status to remain in the U.S. while their cases are being adjudicated.

In one example of this, the number of green cards approved by U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services dropped by half over the course of a year under the Trump administration, according to an analysis by the Cato Institute, which supports immigration into the U.S. Humanitarian visas for refugees or people who qualified for asylum saw the biggest declines.

USCIS spokesman Zach Kahler said the drop was due to increased vetting of applicants by the administration.

The Trump administration has also pushed to strip Temporary Protected Status from hundreds of thousands of people, with a key case weighing whether it’s overstepped its power to do so being heard at the Supreme Court this week.

Advocates see it as a way to send a chilling message to immigrant communities and make more people vulnerable to deportation. It also enables the department to operate without the public spectacle of workplace raids or home arrests.

ICE has also focused over the past year on creating agreements with jurisdictions around the country that allow local and state law enforcement to carry out an expanding array of immigration enforcement tasks, ranging from checking the immigration status of people in their jails to incorporating immigration checks during routine traffic stops.

These agreements, known as 287g, have grown from 135 in 20 states before Trump took office to more than 1,400 in 41 states and territories now.

Some states, most noticeably Florida and Texas, have mandated various forms of cooperation between local law enforcement and ICE.

Meissner, from MPI, said Trump’s border czar, Tom Homan, is likely to prioritize further discussions about how cities and states can cooperate with ICE.

“At the end of the day, some of this may very well succeed in increasing the numbers,” Meissner said.

Calls to enforce work restrictions

Conservatives who want more deportations say the only way to truly crack down on illegal immigration is to make it so difficult for the migrants to work that they’ll leave on their own.

The Trump administration has already taken steps to make life harder for people in the country illegally including limiting who can live in public housing by immigration status, sharing Medicaid information with ICE and requiring people in the country illegally to register with the federal government.

Krikorian, of the Center for Immigration Studies, said the Social Security Administration could send out letters alerting employers when an employee’s name doesn’t match their Social Security number. Authorities could repeatedly and consistently carry out audits of I-9 forms, which companies are supposed to fill out and submit to the federal government showing that new hires are legally able to work. And they could require banks to collect citizenship information on customers.

Whatever the strategy going forward, the administration is facing heavy pressure not to back away from its goals.

“The numbers are too low,” said Mike Howell, part of the Mass Deportation Coalition, which launched a playbook for how the administration can actually get to a million deportations a year by using tactics such as worksite enforcement.

“The deportation numbers are just too low,” Howell said, “and they need to be much higher, and they can be much higher.”

Santana writes for the Associated Press. AP writers Lisa Mascaro and Will Weissert contributed to this report.

Trevor Brown needs to beat his alma mater, Hart High, to win the Foothill League baseball title.

Brown, a first-year head coach at West Ranch, has his team at 8-3, which is tied for first place with Castaic going into Friday’s regular-season finale against Hart at West Ranch.

West Ranch defeated Hart 6-5 earlier this week.

Brown was a standout catcher for Hart, then went on to star at UCLA and played briefly with the San Francisco Giants.

They say catchers make the best managers, and Brown is another example of using his catcher’s experience to help with coaching.

This is a daily look at the positive happenings in high school sports. To submit any news, please email eric.sondheimer@latimes.com

OUR Spotlight On Column shines a light on both the little known and the much loved holiday destinations.

This week we’re talking Singapore, including some hidden gems and new hotels.

Follow The Sun’s award-winning travel team on Instagram and Tiktok for top holiday tips and inspiration @thesuntravel.

The Sun’s Deputy Travel Editor Kara Godfrey recently visited.

She explained: “I didn’t expect to love the city as much as I did, but I loved how safe and clean it felt compared to other major cities.

“It’s the kind of place where you’ll never struggle to find amazing food, no matter what your budget it.

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“Make sure to look up too – most buildings have living walls or rooftop gardens as strict rules mean any new structures must replace greenery it builds on.”

Here are some of our other top tips if you fancy a trip to the stopover city.

MUST SEE/DO:

The most fun way to get around the city is with a Singapore Sidecar (sideways.sg) where you are driven around by experienced riders.

With options of different tours, one of the best takes you everywhere from the finance district to the huge murals of Yip Yew Chong, who depicts scenes of traditional Singapore.

The tours include numerous photo stops, and the guides know all the answers to any questions you might have too.

Wait for night to fall and then hop over to Garden by The Bay to watch the light show of the famous trees.

HIDDEN GEM

The neighbourhood of Joo Chiat is no longer a hidden gem, after being named one of the world’s coolest neighborhoods.

But tourists often skip over Tin Yeang Restaurant, despite it being a great place to mingle with the locals.

It’s loud, its busy, but you can learn a lot about the culture while enjoying prata (crispy pancakes) with fish curry for just a few pounds.

It’s right by the multicoloured Peranakan houses too, so you can explore the mix of Chinese and Malay heritages afterwards.

BEST VIEW

When it comes to gardens, Singapore goes up by putting them on top of skyscrapers. 

And the best free view is found at Henderson Wave Bridge, the highest footbridge in the city,

Join the other joggers and dog walkers to get views of both the city and nature, without paying a penny.

RATED RESTAURANT

Keng Eng Kee is an institution of a restaurant.

Family-run for more than 50 years, sibling Paul, Wayne and Jia Min are joined by the rest of their relatives when it gets busy.

Plastic bibs are supplied (and needed) for the most popular dishes, the chilli crab, a well as the marmite chicken. Unusual, but salty and delicious.

Make sure to book, as they can easily serve up to 800 tables a weekend.

On a budget? Don’t forget Hawker Chan, an indoor market food hall where you can get Michelin meals for less than a fiver.

BEST BAR

If you only go to one bar, it has to be Jigger + Pony, often named one of the best in the world.

Think speakeasy interiors and pretend magazines that disguise the menu, peppered with articles of the bar’s history.

The Clover Club is a must but staff are also on hand if nothing takes your fancy, to mix something up for you.

You’ll find yourself spending hours there, with fantastic music and service encouraging you to stay late into the night.

HOTEL PICK

Mama Shelter‘s first hotel in Asia, the new opening last year is bringing French flair to Singapore.

The 115 rooms include an unusual two-person bunk option, the perfect option if staying with friends.

Mama’s restaurant is just as fun with eclectic interiors and live music. Try the Szechuan Crispy Chicken and a Ms Violet cocktail (followed by a hungover coffee at Mama Kiss cafe).

Rooms cost from £120 per night. See mamashelter.com.

May 1 (UPI) — A student stabbed four students, a security guard and themselves at a Tacoma, Wash., high school.

The four students at Foss High School are in critical but stable condition, and the suspect and security guard suffered minor injuries after the incident on Thursday. The school canceled classes and after-school activities for Friday.

The suspect was arrested and taken to Pierce County Jail on five counts of first-degree assault. Police have not released the suspect’s name or age.

A student at the school, Imonie, told Fox 13 Seattle a video was sent to some students at the school.

“In class we hear, ‘This is a lockdown,’ and everybody’s like, ‘What is going on?’ And then all of a sudden I see the video Air Dropped to my friend’s phone, and we see the whole video happen — the whole fight and stuff — and it was just crazy. It was so bad, there was blood everywhere. And then I heard that, basically, the person who had the knife was — I don’t even know. They said it was some older kid that had already been to jail and stuff, so they came in with a knife. They only fought because, over a puff,” said Imonie, also in the 9th grade.s

She said she doesn’t feel safe at the school.

The school said counselors would be made available to students when classes resumed on Monday.

Richard Manville has lived in the UK all his life – but now he’s leaving Salford for Israel, because he says the antisemitism in Britain is intolerable.

A self-described proud secular Jew, he told the BBC’s Judith Moritz that making the move was a traumatic experience, as he never thought he’d leave his home.

But Richard’s mind is made up, reinforced by hundreds of abusive messages he received online after speaking publicly about his decision to leave.

Most British Jews say they have no intention of going anywhere, but Richard isn’t alone. A recent survey suggests that one in five are thinking about leaving for Israel in the next five years.

RIHANNA looked sensational as she stripped to a racy cherry bra for a sizzling new shoot. 

The pop superstar, 38, was the perfect model for the newest release from her Savage X Fenty lingerie brand, the Cherry Nouveau collection. 

Umbrella hitmaker Rihanna, who shares three children with her rapper partner A$AP Rocky, expertly worked the camera while posing for the sexy snaps. 

One showed her gazing off camera while seductively poking her tongue out, teaming the bra with a pink gingham shirt worn off the shoulders and some chunky gold necklaces. 

In another image, Rihanna turned things up a notch by perching on the edge of a cabinet with her legs parted. 

She finished the sizzling look with a pair of strappy red heels, proving that sometimes less is definitely more. 

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Rihanna and Rocky, 37, are parents to sons RZA, four, and Riot, two, and seven-month-old daughter Rocki. 

And the singer recently teased that she’s already thinking about baby number four. 

She chatted to British Love Island star Montana Brown, 30, who shot to fame in 2017 on the UK version of the show, underneath an Instagram video she posted.

Montana, who shares two children with her fiancé, said in the clip, “Deciding to get hot and sexy or get pregnant in 2026.

Rihanna took to the comment section and added: ‘Wait! So I’m not crazy then? Bet!”

Fans of Rihanna’s quickly responded to her comment.

Loyal supporters are desperate for Rihanna to finally release the follow-up to her 2016 album Anti rather than welcome a fourth baby.

One person replied: “Girl the only thing you need to be popping out is that album PLZZZZZZ.”

Across the country, debates over voter identification laws have become a flash point in broader fights about election security and voting access.

Supporters of voter ID laws say they are needed to prevent election fraud and ensure only eligible voters cast ballots. Critics argue there is little evidence of noncitizens voting and say the requirements instead would reduce voter participation in elections.

Under California law, voters in the state are not required to show or provide identification when casting a ballot in person or by mail. The state does require ID when registering to vote, and residents must swear under penalty of perjury that they are eligible to vote and they are a U.S. citizen.

Weber has opposed proposals that would require voters to show identification in order to cast a ballot. She and many Democratic leaders argue that voter ID laws can create barriers for eligible voters, particularly those who may not have easy access to government-issued identification.

Weber believes Voter ID efforts are meant to sow doubt in the integrity of the elections system.

“When you really get to it, Voter ID is a smoke screen for trying to create the idea that this is a corrupt system,” she said.

Weber instead supports policies aimed at expanding participation among eligible voters, including vote-by-mail ballots and automatic registration.

Conversely, Wagner wants the state to require voters to show ID at the polls. He argues that requiring identification would strengthen public trust in election results and align California with practices used in many other states. He said it’s patronizing to minorities when critics argue it’s hard for them to get identification.

“You need an ID to drive,” he said. “You need an ID to fly in a plane. You need one to buy alcohol. You need it to buy tobacco.”

Wagner has been working with proponents of the Voter ID ballot measure to raise money and helped gather signatures. That statewide ballot measure would require state or local elections officials to verify that Californians registering to vote are U.S. citizens by “using government data,” which according to supporters could include information in the federal Social Security Administration database, jury summons information and other government records.

“What I’m pledging the people of California is that if they pass voter ID, I will protect it. I will sue if I have to,” Wagner said. “If I am secretary of state, I will implement it and hold the registrars accountable and hold my office and myself accountable for doing the will of the people.”

LOUSVILLE, Ky. — Another day, another change in the Kentucky Derby field, with this one adding another Southern California horse to the starting gate.

Right to Party was scratched Friday morning, the third straight day a horse has been withdrawn, following Silent Tactic and Fulleffort. The latest change brings Robusta off the also-eligible list, giving trainer Doug O’Neill a second horse in Saturday’s race.

Robusta, a Calumet Farm homebred sired by Accelerate, has only a maiden victory from five career starts. His best race was March 7 at Santa Anita when he finished just a head behind Potente in the San Felipe Stakes at odds of 67-1. But in his next start, he faded to last in the Santa Anita Derby.

Emisael Jaramillo originally was named to ride Robusta in the Kentucky Derby, but the Daily Racing Form reported the jockey will keep his commitments Saturday at Santa Anita and Cristian Torres will be aboard Robusta. Torres had been set to ride Silent Tactic.

O’Neill, who won the Derby in 2012 and 2016, also will start Pavlovian, who won the Sunland Park Derby and was second in the Louisiana Derby. The other Derby horses based in Southern California are Mark Glatt’s So Happy, Jeff Mullins’ Intrepido and Bob Baffert’s pair of Potente and Litmus Test.

Right to Party was scheduled to break from the No. 5 post position, meaning every horse outside him will move in a spot. Robusta will be in the No. 20 position.

Warning follows Jewish man’s arrest over brutal attack in which a nun was pushed and kicked in Jerusalem this week.

The head of a Greek Orthodox Church in Jerusalem has condemned a brutal attack on a nun in the city earlier in the week and warned of growing concerns over the future for Christians living in the Holy Land.

Archbishop Atallah Hanna said on Facebook that “the attack on a nun in the city of Jerusalem comes amid escalating violations against Christian institutions in the city”.

He added that “this reflects increasing concerns about the future of the historic Christian presence in the Holy Land”.

In his post, which was accompanied by a video, he warned that such attacks “are no longer isolated incidents, but part of a recurring pattern that threatens the Christian presence,” calling for international action to stop them.

On Thursday, Israeli police released a video showing what witnesses said was an attack by a Jewish man on a French nun in Jerusalem on Tuesday.

Video footage showed the man following the nun, forcibly pushing her to the ground, causing an injury to her head, then briefly walking away before returning to kick her as she lay on the ground, before bystanders intervened.

According to The Times of Israel, police said they had arrested a Jewish man suspected of assaulting the nun in Jerusalem.

“The suspect, a 36-year-old male, was identified and subsequently arrested by police,” the police said in a statement on Wednesday, adding it viewed with “utmost severity” any violent act “driven by potentially racist motives and directed toward members of the clergy”.

Father Olivier Poquillon, director of Jerusalem’s French School of Biblical and Archaeological Research, told the AFP news agency the 48-year-old nun is a researcher at the institution and did not wish to speak publicly.

Rising attacks on Christians

Attacks on Christian communities in occupied East Jerusalem and Israel have risen in recent years, according to the Rossing Center for Education and Dialogue, which tracks such incidents.

Churches in Jerusalem have repeatedly called on Israeli authorities to act decisively to put a stop to them.

On Tuesday, Israel’s Foreign Ministry called the incident a “shameful act” in a statement on X.

“In a city sacred to Jews, Christians, and Muslims alike, we remain committed to protecting all communities and ensuring those responsible for violence are held accountable,” the ministry added.

Last month, a viral photograph showing an Israeli soldier smashing a statue of Jesus Christ in southern Lebanon with a sledgehammer caused outrage.

The military said an investigation had been opened and that “appropriate measures will be taken against those involved in accordance with the findings”.

Israel later said the soldier had been jailed for 30 days, along with another soldier who had been filming him. Six other soldiers have been summoned for questioning.

Despite efforts to rebuild ties with Western nations, Syria remains heavily dependent on Russia for its oil supply. Since the fall of Bashar al Assad in late 2024, shipments from Russia have surged, making Moscow the primary supplier of crude to Syria.

This shift comes even as the new government in Damascus seeks closer alignment with Europe and the United States. The contradiction highlights the economic constraints facing a country still recovering from years of war and isolation.

Rising Dependence on Russian Oil
Russian oil exports to Syria have increased significantly, now covering a large portion of the country’s energy needs. Domestic production remains far below demand, leaving Syria reliant on imports to sustain basic economic activity.

Before 2025, Iran had been Syria’s main supplier, but that relationship ended following political changes in Damascus. Russia quickly stepped in, becoming the first to resume large scale shipments after the leadership transition.

Limited Alternatives and Structural Weakness
Syria’s options remain extremely limited. Years of conflict have weakened its economy, reduced purchasing power, and restricted access to global financial systems. Even after the easing of Western sanctions, integration into international markets remains slow and incomplete.

Efforts to secure alternative suppliers, including potential deals with regional partners such as Turkey, have so far failed. This leaves Russian supply networks as the most accessible and reliable option in the short term.

Sanctions Risk and Diplomatic Tension
Reliance on Russian oil poses significant risks for Syria’s foreign relations. Continued trade with Moscow could strain ties with Western governments and expose Syria to renewed sanctions, particularly if geopolitical tensions escalate.

The situation is further complicated by Russia’s ongoing military presence in Syria, including key naval and air bases. These assets give Moscow continued influence over the country’s strategic direction.

Opaque Supply Chains and Sanctioned Networks
Much of the oil trade is conducted through complex and opaque shipping networks. Tankers linked to sanctioned entities frequently deliver crude to Syrian ports, often using ship to ship transfers to obscure the origin of cargo.

These methods reflect both necessity and constraint. Syria’s exclusion from conventional shipping and financial systems has pushed it toward alternative networks that carry reputational and legal risks.

Supply Gap and Energy Reality
Syria’s domestic oil production remains a fraction of pre war levels, while demand continues to exceed supply. Russian shipments now fill a significant portion of this gap, alongside smaller volumes obtained through informal or regional channels.

This dependency underscores the difficulty of rebuilding an energy sector after prolonged conflict, particularly without strong international investment or infrastructure support.

Analysis
Syria’s reliance on Russian oil reveals the limits of political realignment when economic realities remain unchanged. While Damascus may seek closer ties with the West, its immediate survival depends on securing energy supplies, and Russia is currently the only actor able and willing to meet that need at scale.

For Moscow, the relationship offers continued leverage in Syria despite the fall of its former ally. Energy supply becomes a tool of influence, allowing Russia to maintain a strategic foothold even as political dynamics shift.

At the same time, the arrangement creates long term risks for Syria. Dependence on sanctioned networks could undermine efforts to rebuild credibility with international partners and attract investment. It also leaves the country vulnerable to external pressure, particularly if Western governments decide to enforce stricter controls on Russian energy flows.

Ultimately, Syria is caught between geopolitical ambition and economic necessity. Until it diversifies its energy sources and strengthens its economic foundations, its foreign policy choices will remain constrained by the basic need to keep fuel flowing.

With information from Reuters.

SHE went from a little known model to posing for Fendi almost overnight when she started dating Brooklyn Beckham.

Stunning Hana Cross, now 28, dated the nepo baby for just eight months but almost seven years on the Beckham family name still haunts her – and as insiders tell us she’s gained a reputation for being difficult to work with, the famous connection is doing more and more of the heavy lifting.

An industry source explained: “Hana can be hard work behind the scenes, especially when things don’t go her way, and that’s started to follow her.

“Brands are becoming more hesitant, not because of one specific issue, but because of a general unpredictability around how things might be received with her.

“Brands have mentioned how difficult she is to work with. She’s a stunning girl with so much potential but there’s a sense some partnerships have cooled as companies weigh up whether the attention she brings is the right kind.

“There’s a growing feeling in the industry that a lot of the attention around her still ties back to her past with Brooklyn, whether she likes it or not.”

We’re told she recently hired a new press team to help restore her reputation and shed the family name once and for all.

It became apparent just how far off that dream was earlier this year as she found herself dragged into the Beckham family drama surrounding Brooklyn falling out with his parents.

Our source continued: “The recent Beckham drama has definitely rattled her more than she’s letting on, she’s trying to stay composed but it’s clearly unsettled things behind the scenes

“She’s more cautious than ever now, particularly when it comes to anything linked to that circle

“She’s brought in a new PR team in an attempt to reset the narrative and give herself a fresh angle. There’s a sense that without her Brooklyn ties, there’s not much cutting through in terms of her own identity.”

The Leeds-born model started dating the eldest of the Beckham brood, 27, back in 2018, but it was a tumultuous time, overshadowed by a series of very public rows.

Hana was thrown into the spotlight – compared to Brooklyn she’s had a very modest upbringing, living in Huddersfield and then Chipping Campden, where she attended the local state school. 

From Leeds to LA

Born Hana Mahmood, her mum Sarah was working in a shop when she married Khalid Mahmood in November 1994. 

When she was 18 she was scouted while out shopping with her mum in Cotswolds. She had been planning to go to university to study business with equine studies, but her career took off pretty quickly.

Hana has worked for everyone from high street brands Topshop and New Look to designers Valentino and Missoni.

She was 21 when she first met Brooklyn, who was 19 at the time. It’s thought that Brooklyn’s cousin Libby Adams introduced them and they soon became inseparable.

The couple appeared to have their struggles at the time and they were pictured seemingly having a heated discussion outside a Los Angeles restaurant.

And not long after, another confrontation at the Agent Provocateur party, at Annabel’s members club in London in September 2019, left Hanna running to the bathroom in tears.

A fellow partygoer at the time told The Sun Online: “They were chatting together and it was very tense. By the end of it I could hear Brooklyn say, ‘it is what it is.’

“He walked off and she went back to her friends looking dejected, but she held it together while her pals comforted her”.

Brooklyn’s parents Victoria and David were said to be “seriously frustrated” by the negative attention the rows were creating and warned him to spend more time with the family.

Looking back at that time in a rare interview Hana admitted that dating the budding chef and being part of the famous family sparked her “anxiety” .

She told Hello! Magazine: “My time with the family caused me a lot of anxiety, in all honesty.

“There were a lot of warning signs and things that happened during the relationship that, in hindsight, should have made me think and maybe end the relationship or walk away a lot sooner than it did”.

In recent months Brooklyn’s current relationship – his marriage to Nicola Peltz – has come under scrutiny due to his very public family feud.

The famous family’s spat exploded when he launched a nuclear attack on his famous parents – blasting his Spice Girls star mother, 51, in a damning message posted on social media.

Hana admitted: “It’s hard not to be mentally drawn back into that part of my life, especially with all this feud stuff coming out. 

“It’s hard because I don’t look back on that as a fond time, on reflection.”

The couple finally called it quits in the summer of 2019, which was said to be a huge relief to Brooklyn’s parents. Little did they know Nicola Peltz was just around the corner. 

Hana had a brief foray into music and released a track that seemed to hint at Brooklyn. 

She sang: “I wish that someone told me you had a habit for dishonesty – though you break my heart, I want to stay.”

She went on to date Jude Law‘s son Rafferty, Jack Whitehall and Scott Disick. She’s now living in LA and was last linked to aristocrat Peregrine Pearson, following his split from Sophie Turner. 

Our insider added: “It’s a bit of a catch 22 situation because she knows that without Brooklyn she wouldn’t be where she is now and it’s still the thing people are most interested about with her.

“But she’s determined to push forward and prove she can stand on her own.”

In an era of 150-page novels in 14-point font, and books on Venezuela’s recent history that feel like overly long opinion pieces, Ulises Milla’s Editorial Alfa opted for something entirely different: a chronicle of how chavismo took over the Venezuelan State between 1999 and 2004, the product of ten years of research, divided into two volumes totaling more than 1,400 pages.

It is titled La oscuridad no llegó sola (no English translation yet), taken from a line by a Colombian poet, and has a subtitle that speaks volumes: “chronicle of a Venezuelan tragedy.” Yes, it is a chronicle in the broadest sense of the term, a systematic and multifaceted account that protects a series of events from oblivion in a specific era. It is also a Venezuelan tragedy, one among many, in which everything leads to an unhappy ending that seems inevitable, as in those of Aeschylus or Sophocles.

There is a classical feel to Mirtha Rivero’s new work, not only because she has drawn on literary genres that are over two millennia old, but also because it is a book that took a long time to write, one made to transcend time. For this reader, it is another essential text about our past, like José Domingo Díaz’s chronicles of the First and Second Republics or Lisandro Alvarado’s Historia de la Revolución Federal, and certainly like Rivero’s previous work: the bestseller La rebelión de los náufragos, published in 2010. It does not attempt to impose a personal thesis, defend one side or one figure, or propose a solution to the nation’s ills. It is an effort to understand how things happened, on a scale vast enough to allow the patterns of behavior developed by political actors over those years to emerge.

For those of us who experienced these events firsthand, through the media, La oscuridad no llegó sola still reveals aspects of the story we didn’t know, thanks to the quantity and quality of its sources. For those who were too young, it is an unparalleled document on how the traditional political class underestimated chavismo, how chavismo took advantage of the negligence and frivolity of its adversaries to seize control of institutions, and how the anti-politics we saw explode in La rebelión de los náufragos helped demolish what little remained of that democracy, which committed suicide, or allowed itself to die. A tragedy that, with its variations, has happened before. And that will very likely happen again. La oscuridad no llegó sola by Mirtha Rivero is available on Amazon and in bookstores in Spain. From Monterrey, Mexico, where she has lived for several years, the economics journalist who is showing how Venezuela’s contemporary history must be written spoke with Caracas Chronicles.

I want to start with the moment when La rebelión de los náufragos was published, had the impact it did, and you began the journey that led to these two volumes. You addressed this in the preface to La oscuridad no llegó sola, but what was the process like for defining not only the 1999-2004 timeframe, but also the questions you wanted to answer?

After La rebelión de los náufragos was published, I didn’t immediately consider any other topics. It was the third book I had written, but it was the first one that was published, and its reception changed my way of working. It was like a shock. For a year and a half, I couldn’t think about another “topic” because I was adapting to that new reality. It was in mid-June 2011 that another topic emerged. I wanted to answer a question: What happened in the 2004 recall referendum? For me, it was personally very important because, as a result, my husband and I began looking for a new place to live. Did voting fraud occur or not? What was it like? How did we get to that point? So I marked the period: from Chávez’s inauguration on February 2, 1999, until the day of the referendum, August 15, 2004.

It wasn’t so much that chavismo was pressuring the Supreme Court, but rather that a large part of society favored a Constituent Assembly.

I had to go back quite far because Chávez didn’t appear out of nowhere. Nor did other figures: the architects who helped him set up his political machine, those who accompanied him from that day forward, and those who had been with him even before the 1992 uprisings didn’t appear out of nowhere. They all have a past and a reason for being there, just like the people who kept appearing in my research. I confirmed along the way that during those years, the foundations were laid and the entire structure that allows chavismo to endure was built. As I guide my narrative, I realize that I not only have to look back, but that I often force myself to project into the future. For example, I look back when I discuss the oil industry, which is an important topic in my chronicle, but I also look forward when someone talks about the changes in the judicial sphere that the 1999 Constitution imposed, and I’m going to the trial against Judge Afiuni in 2009.

I see. For me, La oscuridad no llegó sola is a twin of La rebelión de los náufragos, in its structure, its tone, and its intention: first, you show how the political class sacrificed democracy with Carlos Andrés Pérez and paved the way for chavismo, and now we see how it overestimated its own strength and underestimated Chávez. Was describing this hall of mirrors the plan, or did it emerge during the research?

It wasn’t the plan. I didn’t see it as a continuation, nor as a hall of mirrors: it turned out that way, the story led me there. Exploring the recall referendum was actually a pretext for me to delve into that era, which I was afraid of. What was important was what happened before the referendum. How the referendum was repeatedly postponed until Chavismo had all institutions and powers under its control, which culminated in the expansion of the Supreme Court, and how it was able to regain popular support through direct subsidies via the social missions. How the opposition promoted the recall referendum without having a candidate to challenge Chavismo if Chávez lost and elections were held.

What did you learn, while writing this book, about the ability of the various opposition leaders to interpret reality? Do you share the common opinion that popular support for Chávez was underestimated in 1998 and 1999?

I was very surprised by their inability to see what was right in front of them. We had already seen how short-sighted the political parties were, their reluctance to form and renew themselves, since the 1980s. This is evident in the conspiracy against Carlos Andrés Pérez in 1993, based on a check from the secret fund that had been annulled in 1989 and was used against him in 1992; in the corruption accusations made by (future chavista minister) José Vicente Rangel; in the resistance to the reforms of the Presidential Commission for State Reform; and in the insistence of the old leaders on remaining political bosses.

There were people who knew who this Hugo Chávez they were opposing really was, but even so, there were those clumsy last-minute maneuvers in the 1998 campaign, and they weren’t prepared for the scenario in which Congress would be eliminated, as Chávez himself had said would happen. They acted with great carelessness in the face of Chávez’s rise: society, the political parties, and even a political animal like Teodoro Petkoff underestimated him. I was very surprised that they didn’t know how to confront the lieutenant colonel, the authoritarian tendencies that came with him, the power-hungry Left that accompanied him, the people who applauded the military coup attempts of 1992. They offered no resistance when Chavismo abolished Congress, taking advantage of the anti-political sentiment that had also been brewing since the 1980s. The lack of vision, and even of any statesman-like discourse, on the part of the politicians, did surprise me greatly.

One of the book’s many achievements was to unearth and trace a somewhat forgotten but key episode: how the Supreme Court accepted the Constituent Assembly’s suspension of the Legislative Branch. Did that also surprise you, how they paved the way for the dissolution of the separation of powers? How much pressure was chavismo exerting on the Supreme Court?

It didn’t surprise me that much, because we experienced it firsthand. The chavistas had just come to power and were barely learning how to use it, and they couldn’t exert pressure before Chávez took office on February 2, 1999. It wasn’t so much that chavismo was pressuring the Supreme Court, but rather that a large part of society favored a Constituent Assembly, even though a constitutional reform would have sufficed. Many people believed that this Constituent Assembly would save the country, to create a new, bright, efficient nation. Everyone was riding that wave. As Simón Alberto Consalvi said, we cannot absolve the people of their decisions.

Some of your interviewees, as expected, fall into hindsight bias: assigning to certain moments a meaning that we see today but that wasn’t easy to discern then. For example, everyone in your book says they knew the 2002-2003 strike was a bad idea, but that “the majority decided”: Didn’t you yourself fall into hindsight bias? Because when I write about those years, I have to tell myself, “Remember what you thought then about the 2002 general strike, not what you think today.”

One can always fall into that bias because one isn’t objective, pristine, but I was very careful about that and made an effort to compare the accounts. Because many interviewees told me things that didn’t happen as they said; they were mixing what others had told them with what they would have liked to have happened. My own interpretations of a particular moment fell apart as I investigated. Sometimes the same scene had six different testimonies, and I had to cross-reference them, sometimes going back to the witnesses to confirm or discuss parts of their story. The good thing is that I encountered very little reluctance from the interviewees, although of course there were people who didn’t want to talk, who stood me up, and I even made trips for nothing. 

Both the oil workers and the dissident military officers were convinced they were right and that they could convince some people, while these people already had a plan in place.

With those I did talk to, I sometimes confronted them, because now it turns out, for example, that nobody agreed with the national civic strike, or as we called it then, the “oil strike.” But the investigation was able to determine who truly resisted, and how society pressured for a repeat of what happened on April 11, even though it was so unlikely to have any effect.

April 11, 2002, is like the novel Rashomon; the same event is seen differently depending on many perspectives. But it’s quite well documented; much less known is what happened within PDVSA, and you contributed a lot to those of us who aren’t familiar with the oil world. How do you see today the role played by the oil executives when they decided to step outside their bubble? 

Within that bubble were people like Edgar Paredes and Juan Santana who, having been involved in university politics, were politically savvy. They knew their place and what might happen, but also what they needed to do. They created that protest movement to rescue PDVSA. Society joined them because, in reality, it used the PDVSA conflict as an excuse to protest many other things, but the oil workers were trying to defend their company because, ever since Chávez was elected in ’98, they saw him as a threat. Naively, they believed they could change the policies because they came from a school of thought where debate and consensus were reached. But even during the 2002 strike, they continued fighting to rescue PDVSA. They were fighting for the country too, but to rescue the country, they believed, PDVSA had to be rescued. The same was true for the soldiers in Plaza Altamira. Right or wrong, they wanted to rescue the FAN (National Armed Forces) where they had made their careers, without understanding that they couldn’t, because the first political prisoners of chavismo were military personnel.

The idea that Chávez also provoked the April 11th march, or the movement to crush it, is a narrative he fabricated after those events.

Both the oil workers and the dissident military officers were convinced they were right and that they could convince some people, while these people already had a plan in place. They thought that the truth would prevail and that the people would act for the good of the country. But that wasn’t meant to happen. They suffered a lack of understanding of the country’s political history, of what the 1992 coups meant. Because they were caught up in their own business, in what they knew. In fact, not all the oil workers or the military saw Chávez as a threat and voted for him in 1998, like a large part of the country.

Reading the book, I came to feel more empathy for what the oil workers and even certain military personnel, did than for what the politicians did.

Because they actually did more than the politicians in terms of trying to rescue their respective organizations. With all their naiveté, the oil workers and the military did force others to act. They gave their all to try to save not only their professional world, but democracy itself.

The book makes it clear that Chávez sought out conflicts, he provoked them. Even the massacres, not to mention the strikes: he sought out battles because he saw them (and he was right) as opportunities to wipe out pockets of resistance. Right? Do you see this as a pattern that connects everything from the 2001 enabling legislation to the recall referendum?

Chávez sought out battles because it was his way of life. He always said, like Pinochet, that he was a soldier. I believe he launched the enabling legislation package in 2001 to impose his agenda, not to provoke, because I don’t think he knew it would generate such strong resistance, even though there had already been protests since 2000. He introduced those laws at the last minute and without consulting anyone because he was an authoritarian who believed he was the center of the world. The idea that he also provoked the April 11th march, or the movement to crush it, is a narrative he fabricated after those events. He knew there were disaffected military officers and expected a classic coup, which he planned to counter with civilians, but he didn’t provoke it, because in fact, his intelligence services ultimately failed him. Just as there are people who, after the strike failed, said they never agreed with it, he rewrote history to impose the narrative that everything was his agenda. But many things surprised him, even though he eventually managed to navigate each situation. However, after April 11th, he did dedicate himself to provoking conflicts, now with the advice of Fidel Castro, and surrounded by radicals like Alí Rodríguez Araque. 

Another pattern I noticed is the persistence of anti-politics, how distrust of political parties shaped different situations. And you get the feeling that this still resonates with people, that three decades after the 1990s, anti-politics continues to define us, right?

The parties were already badly weakened, following a decline that began in the mid-1980s, and even more so after what happened with Pérez II. Their crisis became impossible to hide by the second year of Chávez’s presidency, but anti-politics was very much present during Chávez’s election itself, before that night of April 11, 2002, when decisions were made driven by the desire to remove politicians from important matters. Although politicians met, participated in discussion groups, and sought solutions on their own, such as promoting Adán Celis as transitional president, anti-politics was pervasive across all sectors and prevailed among the main actors who attempted to remove Chávez from power in 2002. The book includes testimonies from politicians who recount how the media favored the opinions of emerging civil society actors who viewed politicians as corrupt and stuck in the past. And yes, as you say, this continues today. Those in power still promote this idea of ​​politicians as a corrupt caste that led the country to ruin. Because it’s very easy to blame politicians for something in which the citizenry also played a part.

The World Championship semi-final between John Higgins and Shaun Murphy is delicately poised at 8-8 after a captivating second session at the Crucible Theatre in Sheffield.

In contrast to the opening to their match on Wednesday, Higgins appeared the stronger of the two players in their early exchanges.

The four-time world champion, who turns 51 on 18 May, ruthlessly punished a missed black from Murphy to take the opening frame with a break of 72.

Englishman Murphy, who is looking to end a 21-year wait for his second Crucible crown, delivered the perfect riposte with an 88 as he took two of the next three frames to draw level at 6-6.

When Murphy failed to convert a plant to the right middle, his error was again exploited, with Higgins enjoying a run of 57 to edge back in front.

The Scot then knocked in a wonderful break of 86 off the back of a brave long red to open up a two-frame advantage.

However, Murphy took a scrappy 15th frame and turned the tables on his opponent to restore parity when Higgins missed a tricky red with the rest down the left cushion.

Their best-of-33-frames encounter will resume on Friday at 19:00 BST, with another eight frames to be played in the third of four sessions.

China’s Wu Yize takes a 6-2 lead into the second session of his last-four meeting with Mark Allen, which gets under way at 14:30 BST.