SACRAMENTO —  Gov. Gavin Newsom will soon leave office without gaining the support of fellow Californians for his most ambitious climate project: the banning of new gas-burning car sales by 2035.

Newsom issued an executive order in 2020 taking new fossil-fueled passenger vehicles off the California market nine years from now.

But roughly two-thirds of Californians think that’s a lousy idea, according to a poll released last week by the nonpartisan Public Policy Institute of California.

Among likely voters, 65% oppose the termed-out governor’s edict and just 34% support it. The opposition among infrequent or nonvoters is even stronger.

Negative attitudes are especially stiff in inland California — particularly the Central Valley — and among middle-class people with incomes between $40,000 and $100,000, those over age 55 and Republicans.

Opposition to being denied new gas vehicles has grown substantially since 2021, when Californians were evenly divided over the issue.

But the state’s anticipated next governor, moderate Democrat Xavier Becerra, is more in line with Californians’ thinking on gas cars than is Newsom.

Becerra told me during his primary election campaign that Newsom’s 2035 goal is not realistic.

“We can’t make it by ‘35,” he said. “But we can make it.” Sometime in the future.

The fact is lots of people can’t afford electric vehicles because they tend to cost more than cars fueled by gas.

Besides, there’s an inconvenience of having to pull off the road for a 40-minute recharging stop on a long trip — if you can find a vacant recharger.

And “electricity is not cheap. It often depends on the time of day,” notes PPIC Polling Director Mark Baldassare, who owns an electric vehicle and says he likes it.

Newsom has been hawking electric vehicles since he came into office, like some slick TV pitchman — his goal being to greatly reduce climate-warming greenhouse gas emissions.

The governor and the Legislature recently appropriated $135 million to motivate Californians to buy new or used electric vehicles.

First-time EV buyers will receive $3,500 rebates on vehicles with manufacturer’s suggested retail prices of $50,000 or less. Used car buyers will get $1,750 off if the sale price is $25,000 or less.

Automakers will pay for half the incentive costs — obstensibly, at least, if they don’t just secretly add their tab to the vehicle price.

This smacks of a huge taxpayer giveaway to manufacturers if the state isn’t careful. Is it really the state’s job to sell cars? Shouldn’t it be the automakers’ responsibility to offer competitive prices? Whatever.

Newsom’s plan partially replaces a $7,500 federal tax incentive for new EVs that President Trump and the Republican-led Congress allowed to expire last year.

California already leads the nation in EV ownership, with around 1.3 million vehicles registered. That’s more than five times the No. 2 state, Florida. And it’s not just because California’s population is much larger. We also lead in per capita ownership.

There’s plenty of contradiction and hypocrisy in the divided minds of Californians, as highlighted in the lengthy PPIC survey into their views on environmental policies.

People strongly favor fighting climate change — at least in concept — until it adversely affects them directly. That’s just human nature.

Asked what they consider the most important environmental issue facing California, those surveyed placed wildfires first, followed closely by global warming.

Baldassare says what struck him in the poll was “the disconnect between what people support in policies and what they’re prepared to do.”

“Two things are going on in California now,” the pollster continues. “People have their long-standing concerns about the environment. But they also have immediate concerns about affordability.

“When it comes to what people are willing to do, they’re worried about living costs and particularly the cost of energy. It’s something we’ve noticed even more this year. It affects the political and economic landscape.”

Nearly two-thirds of those surveyed support Newsom’s goal of reducing greenhouse gas emissions to zero “as soon as possible, but no later than 2045.”

And there’s overwhelming support for taxing corporations based on the amount of carbon emissions they produce.

Roughly 60% favor requiring all electricity to be generated with renewable energy — such as wind and solar — by 2045, although support for that state edict has dropped by 15 percentage points in the last six years.

Paradoxically, people aren’t willing to pay more for electricity produced by renewable sources. Roughly 60% reject that idea. Ten years ago, almost that many told PPIC pollsters they were willing to pay extra.

And today they’re not nearly ready to surrender their option of buying a new gas-fueled automobile.

For one thing, they’re not convinced there’ll be enough charging stations to handle a lot more EVs. Twice as many people are not confident of that as are confident, the poll found.

The California Energy Commission reported in January that there were more than 200,000 public and private EV charging stations in the state, plus 800,000 chargers in homes. The state is helping to add more along highways.

Becerra has pledged to take a fresh look at several controversial Newsom projects, including the pokey bullet train. There’s much uncertainty about the pending new governor.

But there’s one pretty good bet: In 2035, sales of new gas cars will still be getting a green light.

What else you should be reading

The must-read: Trump escalates election attacks, threatens California over voter data
Bringing back competition: Too many congressional races are over before they start. Here’s a remedy
The L.A. Times Special: Trump’s voter fraud speech was bait. Stop biting

Until next week,
George Skelton

—
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Hi, and welcome to another edition of Prep Rally. I’m Eric Sondheimer. Here’s a look at receivers to watch in 2026.

Lots of pass catchers

Hayden Koo of Tustin makes catch between two St. John Bosco defenders.

(Steve Galluzzo / For The Times)

A quarterback is only as good as his receivers catching passes, and there are a lot of competent receivers in Southern California for the 2026 football season.

Juniors DJ Tubbs of St. John Bosco and Hayden Koo of Tustin have been earning rave reviews in summer passing competitions and camps. Their ability to catch passes, run routes and show off quickness is creating excitement.

Quentin Hale, who was very good as a sophomore and junior at Cathedral, has moved over to Corona Centennial and looks confident with his USC scholarship awaiting him. Austin Miller of Bellflower committed to Ohio State before anyone has seen him play his sophmore season, but all signs point toward him leading the class of 2029.

Westlake has the dynamic duo of 6-foot-5 Charles Davis and Palisades transfer Demare Dezeurn, known for his speed. Both are Cal commits. Chaparral’s Eli Woodard was subject of an intense recruiting fight this summer before committing to Miami. Chaparral also has Tycen Johnson (Arizona State) and Michael Farinas (UCLA).

Blake Wong of Norco uses his speed to be a big-play weapon. He had 14 receptions last season against Centennial. Jack Junker of Mission Viejo has among the best hands. Benjamin Harris of Servite is the state sprint champion. Grant Mosley of Santa Margarita has lots of talent but is trying to get healthy after injury issues. Orange Lutheran’s Nico Bland and Chris Flores can be a top duo.

Calabasas’ Kingston Celifie became a track star in the spring and should use that additional speed this fall. Crean Lutheran’s Ty Johnson figures to catch lots of passes.

Laguna Beach has the acrobatic Brady Stringham back at receiver. Emmanuel Pullins of Sherman Oaks Notre Dame is ready for a breakout junior season. Chaminade’s Andrew Cordero has been impressive in summer competitions. Hart’s Matix Frithsmith is one of the most versatile players. San Juan Hills’ Luke Frith is coming off an outstanding junior season. Burbank’s Tyler Hudson had 88 receptions last seson.

Sierra Canyon, which won the Mission Viejo passing tournament Saturday, showed off junior receivers Micah Slade and King Webb. Tustin’s Jeremiah Salvant is another receiver with great hands.

South Gate’s Nicholas Fonseca had 10 touchdown catches. Birmingham’s Paul Turner has speed and big-play skills. Palisades’ Malachi Ross showed potential as a junior.

There are four top tight ends in Santa Margarita’s Luke Gazzaniga, Rancho Cucamonga’s Jaylin Smalls, Mission Viejo’s Max Markofski and Corona del Mar’s JJ Haley.

Book on El Segundo LL

Danny Boehle’s new book about managing the El Segundo League League championship team in the summer of 2023.

(LA TImes)

Danny Boehle, the manager of the 2023 El Segundo Little League championship team, has published a book looking at the experience then.

El Segundo, Calif.’s Louis Lappe (19) celebrates as he rounds second after hitting a walk-off home run off Curacao’s Jay-Dlynn Wiel in 2023.

(Gene J. Puskar / Associated Press)

Co-written with Dan Coonan, “Second to None” explores the fun, excitement and lessons learned from El Segundo winning in Williamsport, Pa., on a dramatic walk-off home run by Louis Lappe.

Encino Little League is trying to repeat the journey of El Segundo this year. The group of 11- and 12-year-olds begins action in the state tournament July 25 in Laguna Niguel.

Eagle Rock quarterback Nylah Moore Is chased out of the pocket by L.A. Marshall’s Charlie Gibson in the City Section Open Division flag football championship game last season.

(Steve Galluzzo / For The Times)

Eagle Rock and Franklin have shown promise this summer of becoming strong teams in City Section flag football this fall.

Senior quarterback Nylah Moore is back for Eagle Rock, which lost in last season’s Open Division final to Marshall 20-0. The two-sport standout uses her athleticism and instincts to create chaos for defenses. Zoe Duran is a receiver with speed also back.

The Northern League, with defending champion Marshall, will once again provide lots of top flag football teams.

AGBU coach brings home title

AGBU coach Nareg Kopooshian (second from the right) guided the U16 Armenian national team to gold medal, along with assistant coach Chris Tchamkertenian, incoming freshman Jivan Dorian and junior Ethan Kazanjian.

(Arto Shahinian)

AGBU basketball coach Nareg Kopooshian has come home with a gold medal after guiding the U16 Armenian national team in the C Division to the FIBA Eurobasketball championship.

AGBU was well represented with players Jivan Dorian and Ethan Kazanjian along with assistant coach Chris Tchamkertenian.

Dorian will be a freshman at AGBU in Canoga Park this coming season.

Notes . . .

Former Sierra Canyon standout Ziaire Williams has signed with the Lakers. Let’s not forget he had the last shot of the 2020 high school season before COVID ended it….

The 18U U.S. national baseball team is holding training camp with lots of Southern California players participating. Here’s the roster. …

Justin Maidenberg is the new girls basketball coach at South Pasadena….

Nicole Wise has resigned as softball coach at Mater Dei….

Santa Margarita’s girls golf team won the 2026 Girl’s NHSGA National Invitational at Pinehurst Resort….

After 17 years as volleyball coach at Servite, Matt Marrujo is stepping down to focus on athletic director duties. Assistant Paka Dutro has been promoted to head coach….

Dylan Smith, who was coaching at Upland, is the new baseball coach at Damien….

George Chace is the new baseball coach at Capistrano Valley. He’s a former head coach at Orange and was an assistant at Huntington Beach….

Davis Towne is the new baseball coach at Long Beach Poly. He was pitching coach at Lakewood….

Garfield running back Ceasar Reyes is lifted up by Angel Jimenez. He rushed for school-record 420 yards in win over South Gate.

(Nick Koza)

In a big development for Garfield’s football program, All-City running back Ceasar Reyes has returned to the school after transferring to Salesian in the spring. Reyes would have had to sit out the first part of the football season if he had stayed at Salesian….

Tommy Leach, a veteran football coach around Southern California, is the new head coach at Esperanza….

Defensive back Dorian Franklin of St. John Bosco has committed to Harvard….

Bellflower won the Buena Park passing tourney behind quarterback E’lacion Saxton….

Corona grad Anthony Murphy, previously committed to LSU for baseball, has switched to Miami….

Catcher Taehan Kim from Redondo Union has committed to Loyola Marymount….

From the archives: Paul Knox

Dorsey coach Paul Knox celebrates miracle win in 2001 City championship game at Coliseum.

(Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times)

City Section Hall of Fame football coach Paul Knox has been organizing a celebration of Dorsey’s prominence in the Los Angeles sports community, with Aug. 8 the day anyone who has been associated with the school is invited to a campus celebration.

With Knox involved, expect the crowd to be large and enthusiastic. His teams won City titles in 1989, 1991, 1995 and 2001. He sent numerous players to college.

Here’s a story from 2019 when he was nearing retirement coaching at Washington Prep.

Here’s a story from 2020 looking back at Dorsey’s amazing comeback win on the final play to beat Taft in the City final at the Coliseum in 2001.

Recommendations

From Sportsjounalisminstitute.org, a story on a former USC football player using what he learned studying journalism to help him in coaching.

From the San Diego Union-Tribune, a story on summer passing tournaments.

From MLB.com, a story on 17-year-old Jared Grindlinger from Huntington Beach signing with the Angels after being a first-round draft choice.

Tweets you might have missed

Until next time….

Have a question, comment or something you’d like to see in a future Prep Rally newsletter? Email me at eric.sondheimer@latimes.com, and follow me on Twitter at @latsondheimer.

Did you get this newsletter forwarded to you? To sign up and get it in your inbox, click here.

For the ninth consecutive night, the United States mounted attacks on Iran’s defence facilities and maritime capabilities into the early hours of Monday, with Tehran hitting back in tit-for-tat strikes as warning sirens blared in neighbouring Gulf countries and Jordan, home to US military bases.

Both sides have accused each other of violating the memorandum of understanding (MoU) they had signed in Islamabad, Pakistan, on June 17. US President Donald Trump has said he views the truce as over, while Iran has said it no longer intends to adhere to the MoU.

Meanwhile, the Strait of Hormuz — through which 20 percent of the world’s oil and gas passed during peacetime — is shut again, sending crude prices shooting up yet again. On Sunday, the US military said another American service member had been killed late last week, bringing the total number of deaths to 17.

So, what has changed in the last two months for the US, Iran and the Gulf countries as the MoU has unravelled in terms of economic impact, widening of military targets, and how they view the war?

Economy

The Strait of Hormuz — the kill switch of the global economy — has been closed down by Iranian authorities, warning that not even a drop of oil shall pass through the waterway amid US attacks and a naval blockade against Iran’s ports.

The MoU had paved a path for the reopening of the strait. And that had briefly pulled oil prices to par with pre-war levels.

The GCC

The strait is of critical importance, especially for Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) states, which saw their economic security and energy strategy severely affected by export curbs. The war on Iran has brought about the largest disruption to global oil and liquefied natural gas (LNG) supplies in modern history.

The costs go beyond just energy revenue losses, noted Mohammad Reza Farzanegan, an economist at Germany’s Marburg University.

“The conflict also threatens the GCC countries’ diversification strategies. Tourism, aviation, logistics, construction, real estate and foreign investment all depend on perceptions of regional stability,” he told Al Jazeera. “Continued war increases insurance and transport costs and encourages investors and tourists to reconsider their exposure to the region.”

Iran

For Iran, the MoU lifted the naval blockade against Iranian ports and offered oil and banking sanctions waivers, and Tehran rushed to export tens of millions of barrels of crude oil.

The earlier US blockade had curbed Iranian exports, with Iran’s parliament speaker and chief negotiator, Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, telling Iranian state TV in an interview last month that “we did not export even one barrel” during the blockade.

However, as fighting resumed, the US disabled a vessel in the Strait of Hormuz, reported to be carrying Iranian crude. Tehran has also hit commercial vessels in the waterway, and the US has been bombing Iran’s coastal areas since then.

“[The renewed US naval blockade] is more damaging than conventional sanctions because the restrictions are now enforced physically,” said Farzanegan. “Iran therefore has much less room to use intermediaries, alternative flags and informal shipping arrangements to maintain oil exports.”

“The immediate consequences are lower foreign-exchange revenues, further depreciation of the rial and stronger inflationary pressure,” the economist told Al Jazeera.

Iran’s economy has been suffering from one of the world’s highest inflation rates. The rial touched nearly 1.9 million against the US dollar this week, a new all-time low. The Tehran Stock Exchange’s main index lost another 120,000 points or 2.4 percent on Saturday to stand at 4.77 million.

The US

Trump’s war has been widely unpopular in the US. The president recorded a 60 percent disapproval rating on the economy, as per the latest CNBC polling, with a net approval rating of -22, reported to be the lowest of his political career.

As per the poll, 61 percent of respondents said they are pessimistic about the state of the economy, the highest percentage since December 2023.

“The effects are most visible in energy prices and consumer purchasing power. This increases household costs and complicates the political position of President Trump and Republican candidates ahead of the November 2026 congressional elections,” said Farzanegan.

Military

The US

The US military has had 17 personnel killed in the war with Iran so far. Three of them have been killed since the resumption of the war about 10 days ago.

“We hit them very hard again tonight,” Trump said on Sunday, adding, “We did that in honour of the – probably three – it’s probably three great patriots.”

Two US personnel were killed in an Iranian attack on an airbase in Jordan on Friday, and a third is missing. Another soldier was killed last week in Iraq while defusing unexploded ordnance from an Iranian drone.

Tehran has claimed to have hit several US military facilities in Kuwait, Bahrain, and Jordan, including an aircraft at Aqaba airport.

Al Jazeera could not immediately verify the extent of damage to any facilities.

The Gulf

The renewed attacks from Iran on most Gulf countries, as well as Jordan, have forced them to deploy their interceptors. GCC countries had already used hundreds of expensive interceptors during the first phase of the US-Israel war on Iran in March and April.

But the Iranian military’s attacks have also hit civilian infrastructure in Gulf countries. The bombing of power and desalination plants in Kuwait has drawn widespread regional condemnation.

“What is happening is a severe shock to the GCC countries,” Nader Habibi, an Iranian-American economist, told Al Jazeera. “Now, after the disruptions of the past seven months, even as they have tried to avoid getting involved, the civilian population is indirectly impacted.”

Iran

The US insists that it has focused its attacks on Iran’s military infrastructure, especially on the country’s southern islands — some of which act as forward military or surveillance posts, and others that are believed to host missile bunkers.

But Tehran has accused the US of targeting civilian infrastructure as well in recent days, including bridges and tunnels, ports and dock facilities, power stations and water plants. Iranian officials have said more than 50 people have been killed and about 500 wounded in US attacks in the past three weeks.

Narrative

More than the war itself, a significant part of the messaging from the US and Iran has been over the control of the Strait of Hormuz.

The US

Washington says its renewed attacks are aimed at degrading Iranian capabilities to disrupt maritime traffic in the waterway, with Trump saying last week that “the US controls the Strait”.

Iran

Tehran has pushed back on Trump’s claim.

Farzanegan said Iran’s “ability to influence shipping through the Strait of Hormuz remains a unique source of bargaining power”. “Tehran is therefore prepared to bear considerable costs to preserve this leverage.”

He added that Iran may also calculate that extending part of the economic costs to neighbouring oil-exporting countries will encourage these governments to use their political influence in Washington and push the US towards negotiations.

“This appears to be one reason why Iran is prepared to maintain pressure in the Strait despite the considerable costs to its own economy,” the analyst added.

Aniseh Tabrizi, an associate fellow on the Middle East and North Africa Programme at think tank Chatham House in London, said the significant change since the MoU unravelled “is that there is less optimism than before about diplomacy being feasible”.

“For all the sides,
it is difficult to foresee a scenario in which another deal is not only reached, but also implemented successfully,” she told Al Jazeera. “And that makes it particularly concerning for all the parties involved.”

Tabrizi noted that there appears to be “no imminent drive” from the Iranian side to sign a deal. “They are still maintaining escalatory attacks, but also reciprocating the kind of attacks that are conducted against the country,” she said.

The Gulf

GCC countries have continued to condemn Iran’s attacks on the regional countries, while calling for diplomacy to dial down the escalation. They have made it clear that Iran’s unilateral control over the Strait of Hormuz would not be acceptable to them.

Tabrizi added that, like the weeks before the Islamabad MoU, regional countries, especially Qatar, are still batting for talks.

If anything, Farzanegan said, the economic losses can bring all the sides to the table again for talks.

“Higher economic losses increase the incentives for negotiations,” he said. “A return to negotiations becomes more likely when both sides conclude that continued escalation cannot improve their bargaining position.”

Economist Habibi agreed that if an agreement is reached again, “it would be primarily because of the stability of the economic pressures on both sides”. However, he added that the probability of escalation in the next couple of weeks is higher than the probability of negotiation.

Chellu Masaram’s shelter stands on a patch of land in Goniri, a community a few kilometres from Bama town in northeastern Nigeria.

At 85, she does not have the strength to build a house. So when she and her grandchildren arrived after the closure of the Government Senior Science Secondary School (GSSS) camp in Bama, one of the largest displacement settlements in Borno State outside Maiduguri, they used the only materials they had. 

“We still do not have a room,” Chellu told HumAngle. “We made a room out of the tarpaulin we brought from the camp. The room leaks when it rains.”

For more than a decade, displacement has shaped her life. She fled Sabsabwa, a town in Bama, in 2014 when Boko Haram terrorists attacked the community and killed her son. Since then, she has raised his three children alone: a year at the Bama General Hospital camp, then ten years at GSSS.

Now she is displaced again.

On June 25, Borno State announced the closure of the GSSS camp as part of its broader policy of ending camp-based displacement and resettling people to their communities of origin or nearby settlements. The announcement was made by Dauda Iliya, spokesperson to Governor Babagana Umara Zulum. The exercise was described as the relocation of about 3,000 households to settlements including Abbaram, Darajamal, Mainti, and Goniri, though the actual number of individuals moved remains unclear. Authorities also indicated that the displacement camp in Gwoza could be among the next to close.

The numbers associated with the GSSS camp have varied considerably over the years. In 2023, the camp’s own management estimated it was hosting more than 100,000 people, four times its designed capacity of 25,000. Government statements on the recent closure referenced approximately 3,000 households being relocated to surrounding communities. But that figure came with its own complications. During the closure announcement, Governor Zulum noted that a year earlier the camp had held no more than 400 households, and expressed surprise that the number had risen to 3,000 shortly before closure. “Most of them are residents living within the town,” he said, suggesting that a significant share of those counted at the end were not long-term displaced persons but local residents who had re-entered the camp, most likely to access aid distributions. If that is accurate, the 3,000 figure may overstate the number of people who were genuinely in need of resettlement support, while simultaneously obscuring how many actual long-term IDPs were moved and to where. Humanitarian and official figures detailing the exact number of individuals relocated have not been publicly released. 

HumAngle wrote to the Borno State Emergency Management Agency (BOSEMA) seeking clarification on the number of households and individuals relocated, the preparedness of receiving communities, and plans for future camp closures. The agency had not responded by the time of publication.

What is emerging from Goniri and other receiving communities is a more complicated picture than the language of “camp closure” suggests. For some families, displacement may not have ended. It may simply have changed location.

From Camp Residents to Makeshift Settlers

Chellu and her grandchildren left the camp in the evening, a truck transporting their belongings. “We paid ₦7,000,” she said.

The move brought them to Goniri, one of the communities receiving former camp residents. The grandchildren she cares for are now 17, 15, and 12 years old. None attend formal school. The oldest studies at a Tsangaya school in Bama and returns there to sleep each night. The two girls remain with their grandmother.

The family survives through a combination of small trading and firewood collection. Chellu sells groundnuts when she can. The more demanding work falls to her granddaughters. “The girls go to the bush to gather firewood to sell,” she said. According to her, they spend up to three hours walking into surrounding bush areas before returning with wood that earns around ₦2,000 daily. “This is what we depend on majorly.”

The arrangement is not unusual. Across displacement settings in Borno and the wider North East, firewood collection has become one of the primary survival strategies available to women and girls. In 2020, HumAngle reported how this burden traps women in a cycle of poverty that limits access to education and economic opportunity while increasing exposure to violence.

For Chellu’s granddaughters, the hours in the bush are not a choice. They are an economic necessity shaped by the inadequacy of humanitarian support and the absence of alternative livelihoods. But in Borno, those hours carry a risk that goes beyond physical exhaustion.

Firewood collection in conflict-affected parts of the northeast has long been documented as a moment of acute danger for women and girls. A 2018 World Food Programme survey found that 85 per cent of women in four local government areas of Borno feared rape, murder, or abduction while collecting firewood. UNHCR protection monitoring reports have recorded incidents of rape during firewood collection, alongside the persistent threat of abduction by terrorists. In March 2024, more than 200 internally displaced women were abducted in Ngala, Gamboru Ngala LGA, while collecting firewood in the bush around Jillam and Wurga villages, approximately 15 kilometres from town. Older women and children under 10 were reportedly released; scores of others remained unaccounted for. In August 2023, at least 42 women were abducted by suspected Boko Haram terrorists while gathering firewood in Mafa. This often forces relatives in camps to crowdsource ransom.

In Goniri, Chellu’s granddaughters are navigating that same risk. They go anyway, because the family has to eat.

The broader consequences of this dependence extend beyond the households bearing it.

As hundreds of families like Chellu’s converge on Goniri and surrounding communities, demand for firewood is rising sharply in an environment already under significant ecological pressure. The Lake Chad Basin, of which Borno is a part, has experienced accelerating deforestation driven by displacement, conflict, and climate stress. A study examining the impact of internally displaced persons on forest cover in Jere LGA found that displaced populations destroyed approximately 12 square kilometres of forest and vegetation. Research on the Lake Chad Basin has found that competition between displaced populations and host communities for firewood is driving deforestation and natural resource degradation, reducing the resilience of both groups. Governor Babagana Zulum has acknowledged that displacement-linked deforestation in Borno is contributing to soil erosion, reduced water availability, and increased vulnerability to climate change.

“It was not like this at the camp,” Chellu said.

Food worries now dominate her thoughts. She said she recently cried because she did not know how she would provide enough. For water and medical care, she and the children walk to Bama, a journey she estimates at over an hour on foot. “As old as I am, I must trek with the children for at least an hour daily,” she said. The move has also introduced tensions with neighbours. A nearby resident has repeatedly told her family they are not welcome. “He said he does not want us beside him,”  she said. She says the man has attempted to physically attack her and her granddaughters on multiple occasions, and that complaints to local leaders have produced no resolution.

“I wish the government would intervene.”

The uncertainty surrounding shelter, water, food, and social acceptance has left her wondering what exactly changed when the camp closed. For a woman who has spent 11 years moving between displacement sites, the answer is not obvious.

The shelter gap in Goniri

The Borno State government has long argued that prolonged camp life is not a sustainable solution. Camp closures form part of a broader strategy aimed at restoring communities, reducing dependency on humanitarian assistance, and facilitating recovery from years of insurgency. But interviews with former camp residents in Goniri suggest the transition has been uneven.

Abubakar Mohammed, 36, arrived in Goniri after years in displacement. He first fled Alagarno in Damboa Local Government Area when insurgent attacks devastated the community, spent three months at the Bama General Hospital camp, and then moved to the GSSS camp, where he remained for several years. Like many residents, he said the relocation came with little explanation. “We were asked to relocate two weeks ago,” he told HumAngle on July 7. “We were not given any reason.”

Before departure, he received a token card later exchanged for a document used during aid distribution. The government distributed ₦30,000 to each household that held a token, along with 25-kilogram bags of rice and maize flour. “Only those who had tokens got the money,” he said. Even so, the assistance did not resolve the housing challenge. “The government constructed some shelters before asking us to relocate,” he acknowledged. “But it is not sufficient.” He now lives in a makeshift tarpaulin shelter on land temporarily provided by community heads. “The Aja [District Head] said, ‘You may live here pending when you find your own place,’” he recalled. His wife and children share the structure with him; his mother and three sisters are staying elsewhere in Goniri with a friend. Many other households have improvised similar arrangements, renting accommodation or relying on relatives. Some remain more exposed. “Other people could not even afford to set up shelters,” he said. “They sleep in the open.”

The experience of Babagana Ali, 38, illustrates how unevenly the same process was administered.

His displacement history spans multiple locations. He first fled Warafaya in 2017 and settled in Kumshe, both in Bama; in 2022, violence displaced him again, eventually bringing him to Bama town and the GSSS camp. When officials announced the closure, residents received approximately one week’s notice. “They came on a Thursday and gave us a week’s notice,” he said. Unlike Abubakar, Babagana never received a ration card. He was working on his farm when distributions took place and as a result received none of the food items, zinc sheets, or money given to other households. Without money for a truck, he rented a pushcart for ₦1,500 and made two trips to move his belongings. Today, he shares a single tarpaulin shelter with two wives, six children, and four children belonging to his late brother. When it rains, water enters through the roof.

His experience points to a concern emerging across interviews: the closure of the camp may have reduced the visibility of displacement without resolving the housing deficit it created.

Earlier, humanitarian actors have made appeals for emergency shelter interventions in Goniri and Abbaram following the influx of relocated households. Those appeals suggest that aid agencies themselves recognised accommodation gaps after the movement began. This pattern is not new to Borno’s camp closure process. A 2022 Human Rights Watch report documenting earlier rounds of camp closures found that housing, water, healthcare, schools, and other infrastructure necessary to meet basic needs were lacking in many receiving communities, and that the closures had stripped over 200,000 displaced people of food and shelter without adequate alternatives. 

Residents gave varying estimates of how many people have arrived in Goniri since the closure. Chellu believed there could be about 3,000 people in the settlement; Abubakar estimated as many as 6,000, with roughly half lacking adequate shelter. HumAngle could not independently verify these figures, but both accounts point to the same reality: Goniri’s population has grown rapidly, and the question is whether the community has the infrastructure to absorb it.

Life beyond the camp

For government officials, the success of relocation will ultimately depend on what happens after families arrive. Housing is only one part of that equation. Access to livelihoods, water, healthcare, sanitation, education, and social acceptance all determine whether a relocation becomes sustainable. In Goniri, many of those systems remain under pressure.

Water emerged repeatedly during HumAngle’s reporting. Chellu, Abubakar, and Babagana all described the same daily routine: a walk to Bama that can take up to an hour. OCHA’s 2025 Humanitarian Needs and Response Plan identifies overcrowding in camps and receiving settlements, alongside lack of access to clean water and sanitation, as conditions that have worsened as a direct result of IDP movements linked to camp closures in Borno. Healthcare follows the same route as water. Abubakar estimated transportation costs at about ₦300 per trip, a burden that falls hardest on older residents, pregnant women, and households without steady income. 

Sanitation presents another strain. Babagana said the communal latrines built for an earlier displaced population are now being shared by hundreds of newly arrived households. “There are insufficient toilets,” he said. “We have to queue. It is also dirty.” He estimated that only five fenced latrines serve the settlement.

Livelihoods present a different challenge. Before the closure, many residents relied on a combination of humanitarian support and informal income. Outside the camp, they face greater pressure to generate income independently. Abubakar is a farmer by training, but insecurity has limited access to agricultural land this season. “I now do menial jobs,” he said, earning around ₦3,000 on a good day. Babagana manages similarly. “Anything that my strength can do,” he said, with income averaging around ₦2,000 daily. Neither considers it sufficient for households of their size.

For children, the transition raises additional concerns. None of Chellu’s grandchildren attends formal school. Their days revolve around religious education and income-generating activities, the girls spending long hours collecting firewood that contributes directly to household survival. They are not alone in this. UNICEF estimates that 56 per cent of displaced children across Borno, Adamawa, and Yobe states do not attend school, with roughly two million children out of school across the three states. The situation in Goniri illustrates how economic hardship reshapes childhood after displacement, turning survival into a full-time occupation. 

Social integration remains unresolved. While some host community members have provided land and accommodation, not all relationships appear harmonious. Abubakar said some residents blame the displaced for ongoing insecurity. “They say we caused the ongoing insecurity,” he said. Such perceptions breed friction in communities already stretched by scarce resources and years of conflict.

A state moving toward more closures

The debate over Bama is likely to intensify as the camp in Gwoza is expected to be the next major closure.

Many residents of Borno also want to leave camps behind. After years of displacement, the idea of living in a community rather than a crowded camp carries real emotional weight.

 “I expected the government to wait for peace before asking us to relocate,” he said.

That concern reflects a broader uncertainty in Bama and surrounding areas. Several communities continue to experience insecurity, farming restrictions, and periodic displacement linked to insurgent activity and military operations. Earlier in 2024, OCHA conducted area-based assessments of both the GSSS camp in Bama and the camp in Gwoza, both of which document the fragility of receiving communities and the scale of unresolved displacement needs. Sabsabwa, from which Chellu was displaced in 2014, experienced renewed disruptions in late 2022 and 2025. Warafaya, where Babagana once lived, was emptied by violence years ago. Alagarno, Abubakar’s hometown, was devastated by insurgent attacks. For many families, displacement has not been a single event but a series of movements from one place to another.

Without clear data from BOSEMA, several questions remain unanswered. How many people were actually moved from the camp? How many houses were completed before the relocation? How many households are still living under tarpaulins or in the open? What support is planned for communities such as Goniri and Abbaram as their populations grow? Those questions matter not only for Bama but for every future camp closure in Borno.

As evening approaches in Goniri, Chellu’s grandson leaves for the Tsangaya school where he sleeps, her granddaughters prepare for another trip into the bush to gather firewood, and the tarpaulin roof remains patched against the next rain.

Waving a Mexican flag with a vaquero sombrero on, El Malilla made history at Coachella last year as the first reggaeton Mexa act on the lineup.

To keep the momentum going, the rising Mexican star had planned for his first U.S. tour to take place last summer. After the Trump administration ramped up the ongoing ICE raids around the same time, El Malilla decided to put the safety of his fans first and postpone the tour.

“With what was happening with Mexicans and immigrants — the big problem being ICE — I decided to pause the tour, because I didn’t feel comfortable exposing my fans to that kind of situation,” El Malilla says over Zoom from his home in Valle de Chalco. “For me, it was important to bring this tour to the U.S., but in a safe way without putting anyone in harm’s way.”

After wrapping up the Mexican leg of his “Tu Maliante Bebé” Tour, El Malilla, who was born Fernando Hernández Flores, is now preparing to bring his show to the states. The 19-show trek will kick off July 24 in Palm Springs, followed by a concert at The Novo in Los Angeles the next day.

Mexican artist El Malilla.

(Joss Andreu)

“The Novo is very important for me because it’s going to be my biggest venue for this U.S. tour,” he admits. “To see how Los Angeles has adopted me, embraced me, and shown me love, I’m going to feel like I’m home.”

Following his Coachella debut, El Malilla has pushed reggaeton from Mexico into the mainstream. He imbues the genre with Mexican swagger, slang and sex appeal in his explosive hits such as “B de Bellako,” “Mami Tú” and “Balenciaga” featuring corrido singer Luis R. Conriquez.

Since then, El Malilla has expanded the scope of reggaeton Mexa following collaborations with Puerto Rican pioneers such as Jowell y Randy and Colombian superstar J Balvin. The perreo heartthrob is also tapping into new genres for his upcoming sophomore album. In an interview with The Times, El Malilla opened up about leading the reggaeton Mexa movement and what to expect from his tour.

How do you feel about representing Mexican culture and reggaeton Mexa with this tour in the U.S.?
I feel very happy to bring a bit of our culture, our slang, our sound and our essence to the U.S. for my fans that haven’t had a chance to see a show of mine. Something that’s very crazy for me is when I performed in Chicago last year, there were people with signs that said they were from different places in Mexico like the State of Mexico. It made me very nostalgic to know that I’m also from the State of Mexico and we’re here. It’s important for me to represent our roots. Get ready, because I’m coming with perreo sucio. [Laughs.]

What do you think when you fans always ask for you to take off your shirt at your concerts?
It makes me laugh because when I sing “Rodillas,” people start screaming for me to take off my shirt. My show lasts like two hours and that’s barely the first song. I enjoy it, because I consider El Malilla to be a showman. I love to be onstage and have fun with my fans. Though some people might see me as a sex symbol, I don’t see myself that way, but to each their own.

What does it mean for you to be breaking down barriers for reggaeton Mexa?
It makes me very happy. I’ve been thinking about that recently. When would you think that an iconic pop star like Danna would collaborate with an iconic chacalón [Mexican slang for “bad boy”] like myself? That never crossed my mind before, but now in 2026, our reggaeton, our essence and our sound has become important in Mexico and even more so on a Latino level. Now everything is possible. There [are] no longer barriers for reggaeton Mexa, or for Mexican singers. Today, your biggest dream is possible.

Who else would you love to collaborate with in the future?
Lately, I’ve spent more time in the U.S. and I’ve been soaking up more English music. I discovered that I really like The Weeknd. A collaboration with him would be crazy! I returned to Coachella this year to sing with Cachirula & Loojan … and to be able to see Justin Bieber live was incredible. I would love to collaborate with him. On the Latin side, I would love to collaborate with Nsqk, De La Ghetto, Ñengo Flow or a reggaeton pioneer like DJ Blass.

What’s the process been like working on your next album?
I spent a year and a half working on this album. I enjoyed that process so much. Music has given me so much that this album is my way of repaying music for all the blessings it’s given me. You’ll be surprised at what I’m capable of. This is a Malilla that’s now 26 and a little more mature. It’s a more experimental and professional Malilla. I had never made a bolero song and I dared to do that this time. I did my research by listening to Luis Miguel, José José and singers and genres that I wasn’t used to listening to. I found love for those genres and singers. It was a very fun and cool way for me to explore different genres.

KISUMU, Kenya — As U.S. antiabortion groups’ campaign to restrict abortion access at home and abroad has gained strength since President Trump returned to office, his administration is delivering new global momentum to the movement by exporting its view of “family values” to nations overseas.

At the annual March for Life demonstration in January in Washington, Vice President JD Vance announced sweeping new restrictions on U.S. funding for nongovernmental organizations, foreign governments and U.N. agencies that promote access to abortion, gender-affirming care and diversity initiatives overseas. “We’re going to start blocking every international NGO that performs or promotes abortion abroad from receiving a dollar of U.S. money,” he told the crowd.

That effort has been particularly active in Africa, where doctors and advocates now describe an environment of rising harassment, arbitrary detentions and deadly backstreet abortions, with often deadly results for women across the continent.

The expanded restrictions build on the antiabortion advocacy work carried out by conservative U.S. nonprofits abroad — especially in Africa, where healthcare is highly dependent on foreign aid. The region has the world’s highest estimated proportion of unsafe abortions and highest maternal mortality rates — including the highest number of maternal deaths per 100,000 abortions.

The new rules represent a radical expansion of earlier U.S. policy that cut assistance to overseas groups providing abortion-related services. Experts say at least $30 billion in U.S. aid could be affected, reshaping health policies worldwide.

“We’re seeing opportunity here to have a consistently pro-life ethic,” Nicole Hunt of Colorado-based Focus on the Family, a conservative Christian evangelical group, told the Associated Press. “We’ve been influencing health policies for a long time with our foreign aid. This is just a new direction.”

In the crosshairs is an international convention signed by African countries two decades ago declaring safe abortion a human right. Known as the Maputo Protocol, it obliges signatory nations to legalize abortion in cases of rape, incest, fetal malformation or risk to a woman’s health.

But implementation has been spotty, forcing women to seek illicit procedures. Every year, sub-Saharan Africa records over 6 million unsafe abortions, according to the African Institute for Development Policy.

Emboldened by Trump’s policies, U.S. antiabortion groups now aim to overturn even this limited access to safe abortion.

In Nairobi, Nardos Hagos of the International Planned Parenthood Federation said she is deeply worried for the future.

“We’ve now moved into a new era where we are the ones who are in opposition because the most powerful and influential supporters of reproductive health — the U.S. and a lot of Europe — are now more aligned with anti-rights groups,” she said.

“We’re gonna see more women dying from unsafe abortions.”

Africa is the focus

It’s difficult to track the full scope of the funding U.S. antiabortion charitable groups send to Africa.

Publicly available information from nonprofit tax filings of 17 such groups show money sent to Africa jumped 50% between 2019 and 2022, to over $16 million, according to an analysis by the Institute for Journalism and Social Change, a research group.

And the funding kept growing: The organizations spent almost $9.4 million in Africa during 2023 and 2024, previously unreported data analyzed by the institute show.

That’s “just the tip of the iceberg,” said the institute’s Claire Provost.

“What we’re seeing here is just a fraction of what the real investment on the continent is,” Provost said, noting that unlike other tax-exempt charitable organizations, U.S.-based churches and some religious groups are not required to complete annual financial disclosures detailing revenue, contributions and expenses.

It’s not possible to see “even limited information” about how much money the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, among others, funnel to Africa, she said.

Widely known as the Mormon church, the Salt Lake City-based church is ”increasingly active on the continent, including opposing sexual and reproductive rights issues,” Provost said. With over 1 million followers in Africa, it has held “Strengthening Families” conferences across Africa over the last eight years.

Sean E.R. Donnelly, the church’s communications manager for Africa, said in an AP interview that about a quarter of the $1.5 billion the church spent overseas last year was in Africa, for development projects “with the goal of helping people, especially families,” including in healthcare, education and emergency relief.

Asked about women’s reproductive rights and abortion, he said the church was “not really active” in those areas, but noted the issues may be discussed by its African partners during church-sponsored conferences.

“We have the deputy prime minister, we have the ministries of gender, we have all the ministers who are relevant to family, and we’re helping them … as they craft policy and strategy to make sure that we protect the family,” Donnelly said of the conferences.

Asked about the church’s position on abortion, he sent a statement outlining that it generally opposes elective abortion in most cases but allows exceptions for rape, incest or danger to a woman’s health in counseling its members. He said via email that the church conducts no activities related to abortion and reproductive rights.

Last year’s church-sponsored conference took place in Sierra Leone at a time when the country was close to decriminalizing abortion. But pressure from local religious lobbies stalled the process, local rights groups said.

Activists and rights groups have raised the alarm over the influence of local religious groups, whose strategies mirror those of some conservative U.S. Christian groups. In response to AP’s questions about the conference and any pressures around abortion and other reproductive rights issues, Donnelly said, “This is not how the church operates in Africa or globally.”

He also referred AP to the church’s Caring Report, which outlines its humanitarian work globally and does not mention the conference.

It’s tricky to determine how the U.S. money is spent once it reaches Africa because of loose requirements on disclosing financial data in African countries.

Focus on the Family spent $370,000 in Africa between 2019 and 2023, according to the Institute for Journalism and Social Change, which says that probably does not fully capture the scope of the group’s influence or work. Focus on the Family’s Hunt said its mission is “to change hearts and minds on abortion” globally, but she declined to provide details of activities in Africa.

Harassment of reproductive rights groups

Hannah Ruguru vowed to help women get abortions safely after losing her sister to a backstreet procedure. But her work at a reproductive health clinic in Kisumu in rural western Kenya has proved increasingly hazardous.

She’s been screamed at by protesters and encountered so much abuse on Facebook that she deleted her account, she said.

“Sometimes you can get scared,” Ruguru said. But “at the end of the day, I’m helping women.”

Marie Stopes International, which runs the clinic where Ruguru works, said in a 2024 report that staff in several African countries described online and legal attacks from U.S.-based groups and U.S.-funded local organizations. In Congo, it said, health workers have been detained for days for providing legally permissible services before being released without charge.

“The extent of the opposition has made abortion providers fearful of coming into work,” the report said.

In Ethiopia, the group said, the head of the local office of U.S.-based Family Watch International has “targeted and trolled members of our senior leadership team on social media,” and released YouTube videos promoting antiabortion misinformation.

In Kenya, the names and addresses of staff at reproductive rights organizations have been published online, accusing them of murder.

The owner of a private abortion clinic in Nairobi said staff members have been harassed by police and detained. Officials demand bribes, threatening charges if they don’t pay up, the owner said, speaking on condition of anonymity for fear of repercussions.

Musoba Kitui, regional director of Ipas Africa Alliance, which promotes reproductive rights and access to safe abortion care, said the changes in U.S. foreign aid policy combined with “this advancing American interest in ideology in Africa is really concerning.”

“We think the consequences are going to be dire,” Kitui said, especially for women and marginalized communities such as LGBTQ+ people.

‘It’s a culture war’

Last year, antiabortion Christian groups from the U.S., Europe and Africa and high-ranking Kenyan officials gathered in Nairobi for a conference on “Promoting and Protecting Family Values in Challenging Times.” Poland-based antiabortion group Ordo Iuris handed out a guide in four languages, including Swahili, with tips on lobbying international organizations, including the United Nations, European Union and African Union.

Travis Weber, vice president of the Family Research Council, a Washington-based evangelical group active in antiabortion advocacy, said he traveled to Nairobi to “defend the family as God designed it.”

Charles Kanjama, vice chairman of African Christian Professionals Forum, the conference organizer, said that, previously, international aid often supported reproductive rights — but times have changed.

“We are hoping that … we can start attracting money from people who think like us,” said Kanjama, among Africa’s most prominent antiabortion figures. “It’s a culture war, really.”

Indeed, the antiabortion agenda is gaining momentum. In June, representatives of 20 African countries finalized a draft charter at a conference in Ghana that calls for rejecting sexual and reproductive health rights. It will be voted on by the African Union next year. Family Watch International’s co-founder, Sharon Slater, was among those fundraising for the charter’s passage at the European Parliament in Brussels this year.

Legal gray area

In Kenya, one of Africa’s richest countries, seven women die every day on average from complications of unsafe abortions, according to the African Population and Health Research Center.

The 2010 Kenyan Constitution permits abortion when a woman’s health or life is threatened. Subsequent court decisions have also allowed abortions in cases of rape, incest or serious threat to a woman’s mental health.

But there’s a major legal gray area. Kenya’s penal code, which dates to the colonial era, continues to criminalize abortion providers and women seeking the procedure, who can face up to 14 years in prison.

Most public hospitals don’t perform abortions, leaving women the option of pricey private clinic procedures or risky illicit methods, healthcare officials said.

In May, an appeals court in Kenya overturned a ruling that affirmed access to abortion as a fundamental right — a case led by Kanjama, who said the decision “restored constitutional balance.”

The Kenyan Health Ministry, Justice Ministry and the government spokesperson’s office did not reply to repeated AP requests for comment, including detailed questions sent via email.

The U.S. State Department, in response to an AP request for comment on the Trump administration’s new rules governing American aid overseas, said: “The American people expect their tax dollars to support programs that save lives … and reflect American values, not fund abortion-related activities, left-wing social agendas, or wasteful overseas bureaucracies.”

“U.S. assistance continues to support a wide range of maternal and child health services as part of the America First Global Health Strategy,” it said in a statement.

The toll of unsafe abortions

In Kenya, doctors are obligated to treat women suffering from post-abortion complications, often from underground procedures, including bleeding, infections and the loss of their wombs — and it’s those cases that often end up in public hospitals.

“By the time the women come, we are often dealing with a life-threatening situation,” said Dominic Omollo, the reproductive health coordinator in Bondo, western Kenya.

Even as the stated aim of U.S., international and Africa-based antiabortion groups is to protect life, activists and healthcare providers say that, in reality, the result is more unsafe abortions and more women dying.

In Karabok, a village in rural Kenya, two trees were planted at the site where Mary Olouch is buried, just feet from where the 25-year-old bled to death after an illicit abortion.

“She did not open up to anyone,” said Loice Ochieng, a community health volunteer in charge of family planning in the village.

Olouch already had a young child when she realized she was pregnant. She didn’t tell her husband. When he came home one evening, he found her bleeding and rushed her to the hospital, but it was too late.

Olouch did not qualify for an abortion in a public hospital and couldn’t afford a private clinic on her meager income selling fish. Abortion carries enormous stigma in rural communities, and husbands often don’t allow women to use contraceptives, Ochieng said.

After Olouch’s death, women started to talk more openly about abortion in Karabok, where, for many, even uttering the word had been taboo, Ochieng said.

Now, she said, if women “have a problem, they come to me, they ask. Because they have seen that this thing can cause death.”

Pronczuk and Beaty write for the Associated Press and reported from Kisumu and New York, respectively. AP writers Evelyne Musambi in Nairobi and Caitlin Kelly in Freetown, Sierra Leone, contributed to this report.

A 64-team tournament has two main plus points: a more natural format, and more opportunities for emerging nations.

It is the latter which Infantino is championing, especially after the heroics of Cape Verde.

Fifa faced criticism before the tournament, with suggestions the additional teams would not be competitive.

Then Cape Verde drew with Spain and Uruguay to finish second in their group. And the Blue Sharks gave Argentina an almighty scare by taking them to extra time in the last 16, before losing 3-2.

But the fairytale stories must be balanced with the competitive edge of the tournament.

Haiti, Iraq, Jordan, Panama, Tunisia and Uzbekistan failed to pick up a point – and this summer’s group stage had minimal jeopardy for the top nations.

Add more teams and it would be difficult to see a repeat of top-four seeds like Belgium (2022), Germany (2018), Spain (2014), Italy (2010) and France (2002) failing to make to knockout stage.

Then there is the question of where the extra places would go.

Based on this year’s qualifying, these are the additional countries who would have made it into a 64-team World Cup 2026 (with their Fifa ranking at the start of the tournament in brackets):

AFC: Indonesia (118), Oman (79), United Arab Emirates (68).

Uefa: Denmark (21), Italy (12), Poland (36).

Concacaf: Honduras (65), Jamaica (71), Suriname (125).

Conmebol: Bolivia (77), Venezuela (49).

OFC: New Caledonia (151).

Africa: Burkina Faso (62), Cameroon (44), Gabon (86), Nigeria (26).

Six of those teams are from the top 50 of Fifa’s world rankings – three from Europe, two from Africa and one from South America.

And therein lies the problem. Asia and Concacaf are weaker confederations, as was proven by performances this year.

Nine of Africa’s 10 countries got out of the group stage. But only two of nine Asian countries advanced, and just three of the six Concacaf countries – the co-hosts – made it through.

New Zealand, who got one point and finished bottom of their group, are the only country from Oceania in the world’s top 150.

There is an argument that if you extend again, you should give a greater weight of places to Europe just for competitive balance.

But, on the other hand, there are those who would argue that bringing more teams into the World Cup ultimately allows the game to develop further in those countries.

Infantino will sell the expansion as being good for the global game, but there have to be doubts that it is good for the competition.

Almost a third of Fifa’s 211 nations would be present.

Would the group stage not simply become a glorified pan-confederation qualifying competition for what is, essentially, a knockout tournament?

July 20 (UPI) — Andy Burnham was set to become British Prime Minister on Monday after a private audience with King Charles III at Buckingham Palace, at which he will ask the former Manchester Mayor to form a government.

Burnham is expected to head to the palace late morning after outgoing Prime Minister Keir Starmer gives a farewell speech outside No. 10 Downing Street at around 11:15 a.m. local time and departs to make the 1-mile journey to meet with the king to officially tender his resignation.

Burnham will be the country’s seventh prime minister in 10 years and brings to five the number among those leaders installed in Downing Street by their respective parties and without initially winning a mandate from the electorate.

He takes over just two years after Starmer led the party to a landslide general election victory that returned Labour to power after 14 years in opposition.

On his arrival in Downing Street but before going inside, Burnham will make his first speech as prime minister in which he is expected to promise to give people “breathing space” from cost of living pressures.

Afterward, he will head inside for briefings on classified national security matters, including the launch codes for the country’s nuclear missile arsenal, before getting on with appointing his chancellor of the exchequer, foreign and home secretaries and the rest of his cabinet, as well as other ministers and departmental heads.

Burnham inherits a daunting in-tray of complex, deep-seated problems to tackle that Starmer was perceived as failing to get to grips with or failing to do so with sufficient pace, which led to his downfall.

Those issues include cutting spending on welfare, sickness and disability benefits which is projected to rise from its current $78 billion to $105 billion by 2030, finding $12.1 billion a year to fund the outgoing administration’s Defense Investment Plan, fixing the “social care” system that looks after the elderly in the community or in retirement homes, meeting a 300,000 a year house-building target, and getting over a million 16-24 year-olds into work.

What little specifics Burnham has set out include ditching a national digital ID scheme, easing a ban on new oil and gas drilling in the North Sea by allowing existing fields to expand into adjacent untapped areas, some form of public control of water utilities, and cuts to taxes on local businesses funded by major multinational corporations which currently pay a lower rate.

Emma Burnell of the LabourList website told the BBC that while the mood within the party was upbeat, members of the Parliamentary Labour Party believed it was their last chance to get it right.

“It’s going to be a long, hard project. I don’t think he’s going to be able to do it overnight, he will need to show that there is real, tangible progress being made,” she said.

In a letter to Burnham posted on X on Sunday, Conservative opposition leader Kemi Badenoch accused Burnham of lacking “a clear plan on any of the issues facing our country” and avoiding legitimate questioning regarding his intentions.

“You have refused calls to come to Parliament for questions from MPs, and you have not submitted yourself to serious media scrutiny. This is not a promising start.”

She vowed the Conservatives would back any bid to slash benefits, saying the country was in danger of becoming “a welfare state with a country attached” and called on Burnham to rule out tax rises and to grant new licenses to drill for oil and gas in the North Sea.

“Where we support your agenda, I will say so. But I will always stand against the instincts of Labour MPs for higher taxes and more spending,” wrote Badenoch.

Former Mayor of Greater Manchester Andy Burnham gave his first speech as prime minister outside No 10 today, after he replaced Sir Keir Starmer as leader of the Labour party.

In his speech he promised to give the public “more breathing room”, and said he would set out a new 10-year plan for Britain by the end of this year.

He also announced that his first instruction as prime minister would be to end rough sleeping, which was met with cheers from his supporters who’d gathered outside Downing Street.

His predecessor Starmer gave a farewell speech in the same spot this morning, before formally offering his resignation to the King.

More on this story.

PETE Wicks has opened up on his “magical” holiday with Olivia Attwood after they were pictured in a passionate snog on the beach.

Pete, 37, spoke candidly about his romance as he chatted to his pal Sam Thompson, 33, on their Staying Relevant podcast.

During a podcast clip shared to TikTok, Sam said to Pete: “You were on your holidays?”

“Yes, I hadn’t seen Liv for two and a half weeks, so I went to see Liv,” replied Pete.

“Don’t make this a thing,” said Pete as Sam jokingly feigned shock.

Pete continued: “So I went to see Liv, it was wonderful to see her, been two and a half weeks.”

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A smitten Pete added: “We had a fabulous time. I have really hurt my back because I was backflipping off boats.

“We went for lovely dinners, we went to clubs, we drank a lot, it was magical is probably the best way to describe it.”

Sam was delighted and explained that it was a lovely moment to hear about him and Liv.

He added: “I’m a huge fan of Liv’s”

Pete joked: “Not as big a fan as I am,” as Sam cheered his reponse.

Pete and Olivia were recently spotted all loved-up on a date night as they shared a steamy snog.

This came days after Olivia and Pete made things Instagram official after jetting off to Ibiza together.

The pair – who host a KISS FM radio show together – began dating back in February, following Olivia’s split from husband Bradley Dack.

Azerbaijan’s relationship with Germany is shifting beyond energy, with the two countries deepening ties across industry and logistics as Europe works to diversify its supply chains away from Russia.

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“Azerbaijan is gradually ceasing to be perceived by Germany solely as an energy supplier and is increasingly becoming part of a new Eurasian industrial and logistics architecture,” said Orkhan Yolchuyev, director of the CASPIA Analytical Center.

Bilateral trade between the two countries reached around €1.7 billion in 2025, driven by German exports of industrial equipment, machinery and transport systems, Yolchuyev said.

Over 250 German companies now operate in Azerbaijan, spanning manufacturing, construction, logistics and energy.

The shift has accelerated since Azerbaijan began supplying gas directly to Germany and Austria in early 2026, part of a wider European push to reduce dependence on Russian energy following Moscow’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine.

Beyond energy

The real change, Yolchuyev said, is not in the trade figures but in what they represent.

“[They] indicate that bilateral relations are evolving toward a higher level of industrial cooperation,” he said, pointing to Germany’s need for new export markets and more resilient supply networks.

German companies already active in Azerbaijan could soon be drawn into its reconstruction programmes and expanding industrial zones, particularly in engineering, transport, renewable energy and advanced manufacturing.

Much of this shift runs through the Middle Corridor, the transport route linking China and Central Asia with Europe via the Caspian Sea, Azerbaijan, Georgia and Turkey.

Russia’s war in Ukraine has given the route new urgency, as European firms hunt for alternatives that insulate their supply chains from disruption.

Azerbaijan sits at its logistical centre, with sea and rail links increasingly central to the transcontinental route.

Yolchuyev said the corridor’s value lies less in cargo volumes than in what it carries.

“The higher the share of high value-added products, such as automotive components, industrial machinery, electrical equipment, electronics or chemical products, the greater the economic efficiency of the route,” he said, pointing to the expansion of the Port of Baku and the Alat Free Economic Zone as drivers of new manufacturing and logistics investment.

Energy still at the core

Energy remains central despite the widening scope of cooperation. Azerbaijan has positioned itself as a dependable gas supplier and, since early 2026, has been sending gas directly to Germany and Austria.

Farid Shukurlu, a non-resident fellow at the Research Institute for European and American Studies, said Russia’s invasion marked a turning point.

“Traditionally, economic relations between Azerbaijan and Germany were concentrated in a limited number of sectors, including heavy machinery, automobiles and pharmaceuticals,” he said.

“However, Russia’s full-scale invasion of Ukraine fundamentally reshaped the bilateral economic relationship.”

Within five months of Azerbaijan’s first crude shipment to Germany, the country had exported 360,300 tonnes of crude oil and petroleum products worth approximately $210.9 million (€196mn), Shukurlu said.

He believes Azerbaijan could eventually become a transit route for Kazakh oil and Turkmen gas bound for Germany and other European markets.

Germany’s shift carries weight given its past reliance on Russian gas. Italy remains the largest European buyer of Azerbaijani gas via the Trans Adriatic Pipeline, but Germany is now moving in the same direction.

Manfred Scherer, mayor of the Verbandsgemeinde Sprendlingen-Gensingen, a collective municipality in Germany’s Mainz-Bingen district, recalled meeting Azerbaijan’s current energy minister, Parviz Shahbazov, during his time as ambassador to Germany.

“Economic relations between Germany and Azerbaijan have developed positively in recent years. There is strong potential to further strengthen cooperation,” Scherer said.

“I have fond memories of the visit of the current minister of energy, Parviz Shahbazov, to our municipality during his time as ambassador of Azerbaijan to Germany,” he continued.

“At that time, we discussed opportunities to deepen our relations through a municipal partnership and to strengthen cooperation between our regions.”

A wider European shift

Germany’s pivot fits a broader European turn toward the South Caucasus and Central Asia, partly in support of the Armenia-Azerbaijan peace process, which could unlock further energy diversification and regional connectivity.

The high-level visits have piled up. European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen said the partnership with Azerbaijan “matters greatly to the European Union” and had “real momentum”.

European Council President António Costa travelled to Baku for talks on deeper EU re-engagement, while EU foreign policy chief Kaja Kallas visited in May.

Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni and Slovak President Peter Pellegrini have also held high-level talks with President Ilham Aliyev.

He said choosing the wrong option could automatically add 10 per cent to what you should be paying

A travel expert has warned Brits going away that they are going to be ‘ripped off’ unless they make the right decision when paying for things on holiday. Simon Calder, who is a travel expert at the Telegraph, said it was essential that people going away paid for things in the local currency rather than pounds if they were using their credit card.

He said choosing the wrong option could automatically add 10 per cent to what you should be paying. It is something which catches out many travellers, with people unsure of which option to choose when given the choice between paying in pounds or the local currency.

Mr Calder explained why you should choose pounds, and why it can cost you if you choose the wrong option. He said: “Just at the start of the summer rush, I need to warn people about dynamic currency conversion.

“You’re in a foreign country, you’ve got your credit card, you come to pay, the shop assistant, the waiter says, ‘Okay, here’s the card terminal and look, do you want to pay in Euros or in good old British pounds?’

“And you might be tempted for thinking, ‘Well, I’ll pay in Sterling of course, then I’ll know how much it costs’. The one thing you will know is that you are going to be ripped off to the tune of typically 10 per cent.

“So, on a £20 lunch, you pay an extra £2, which you will never get back. Leave it for the waiter instead. So, just remember, paying by credit card, always pay in local currency.”

Withdrawing money abroad

The dynamic currency conversion (DCC) that Mr Calder is warning people about is also a topic money-saving expert Martin Lewis has discussed. However, he used a similar example at ATMs, urging people to use the local currency when abroad.

He said that when an ATM or card terminal enquires whether you wish to pay in pounds or euros, it is essentially asking you who should perform the currency conversion.

“If it’s euros, do you want your card company to do the conversion? If it’s pounds, we will do the conversion for you and then charge your card,” Martin said.

According to consumer group Which?, DCC permits foreign retailers and ATM operators to convert a transaction into pounds at the point of sale, yet the exchange rates on offer are frequently far worse than those provided by banks and card issuers.

Mr Lewis even warned that ATMs abroad often try to convince the individual to use pounds due to the unfavourable exchange rate and even added withdrawal fees.

“I want euros, please. Are you sure? We won’t do the conversion. Are you absolutely sure? Yes, I want euros,” he said. “The ATM… they are desperate to persuade you to let them do the conversion because they make a lot of money from it.”

BEIRUT  — President Trump long railed against forever wars.

For years, whether as president or candidate, he flayed electoral opponents and previous presidents with his signature barbs, calling their entanglements a “complete waste of time” (Afghanistan), “the worst single mistake ever made in the history of our country” (Iraq) and “stupid” (Ukraine).

Yet he now appears to be stumbling into a forever war of his own.

From the first days of the U.S.-Israeli campaign against Iran, Trump and his officials insisted their adventure abroad would be the exception, that the conflict would end in a matter of weeks.

Now, 4½ months later, after a torturous, start-stop vacillation between truce and war, the U.S. is pressing on with a fight that has no end in sight — or even a clear definition of what an acceptable end would be.

In the last week, the ceasefire collapsed, with the U.S. and Iran trading daily waves of strikes, leading to the deaths of two American servicemen on Friday when Iranian ballistic missiles struck Muwaffaq Salti Air Base in Jordan, where U.S. assets and personnel are stationed.

On Sunday, as the U.S. and Iran launched more air assaults, the U.S. announced that a service member was killed Saturday in Iraq during the controlled detonation of unexploded ordnance from a downed Iranian one-way attack drone.

On March 9, the remains of U.S. Army Sgt. Benjamin N. Pennington, 26, of Glendale, Ky., then the seventh U.S. service member to die in combat during the Iran war, are transferred at Dover Air Force Base, Del.

(Julia Demaree Nikhinson / Associated Press)

The deaths in Jordan were the first combat fatalities since the U.S. and Iran agreed to a ceasefire. One soldier remains missing, according to a statement from U.S. Central Command.

Including the most recent casualties, 17 U.S. service members have been killed and more than 430 wounded since the war began, the Pentagon says.

In Iran, at least 57 people have been killed and more than 517 injured in U.S. attacks in the last three weeks, according to Iranian health authorities. The death toll since the beginning of the war has surpassed 3,500, and more than 27,000 have been wounded.

The U.S. and Israeli militaries have — in the telling of Trump and various officials — decimated Iran’s navy and air defenses, eviscerated multiple layers of its leadership and bombed tens of thousands of targets across the country.

Despite that military pressure, and Trump’s insistence that members of Iran’s leadership “want to make a deal” (he’s said that an accord was on hand no less than 46 times since the start of the war), Tehran has refused to surrender its nuclear and missile arsenals and continues to support its regional militia allies.

Iran has also created a new pressure point to use against adversaries by blockading the Strait of Hormuz, the vital waterway through which a fifth of the world’s oil and natural gas flowed before the war. And it has widened the war’s footprint by targeting countries hosting American military assets.

Trump has vowed to expand bombings to include civilian infrastructure such as power plants and bridges in what he says is a bid to force Iran into negotiations once more.

He has also brought additional forces to the Middle East. According to Centcom, there are now 50,000 troops in the region, along with 20 naval warships and hundreds of warplanes.

U.S. Central Command, which oversees operations in the region, declined to comment on the deployments, though on Sunday the New York Times reported that the U.S. was sending to the region F-16 fighter jets from Germany and stealthy F-35 jets from Britain.

For observers, those moves signal that Trump is falling into an escalation trap.

“From Trump’s perspective, the easiest way to demonstrate resolve and power is by just bombing Iran and seeing what that brings about,” said Andreas Boehm, a Middle East expert and lecturer on international law at University of St. Gallen in Switzerland. Although those strikes seem tactically impressive, they have not helped him strategically, he said.

“In reality, it doesn’t change the situation because the Iranians won’t budge. And if you confuse tactical and strategic success, then you’re not going anywhere in any kind of war,” Boehm said.

An escalation on Washington’s part is also certain to spark a similar reaction from Tehran, said Vali Nasr, professor at the Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced International Studies.

“Iran gets a vote here,” Nasr said, adding Iran could up the ante by closing Bab al Mandab, the vital strait connecting the Red Sea to the Indian Ocean. It could also widen attacks on infrastructure in Persian Gulf countries — moves that would trigger an even bigger ripple effect across global markets.

“Trump thought wars in the Middle East would be like Venezuela: a big in-and-out without a prolonged war,” Nasr said, referring to the Trump administration’s strike that saw U.S. forces abduct Venezuelan leader Nicholás Maduro and force the remaining members of his government to submit to U.S. control.

“And the reality is that it’s backfired,” he said.

Trump is not the first American president to think a foreign engagement wouldn’t last long. Whether in Vietnam, Afghanistan or Iraq, U.S. leaders dispatched troops on operations they thought would last weeks or months, dismissing warnings that they would be bogged down in years-long occupations.

Iran would be an especially sticky quagmire if Trump were to commit ground troops.

The country’s area — about 636,000 square miles — is more than double the size of Afghanistan, almost four times the size of Iraq, and five times the size of Vietnam — all nations where the U.S. struggled to prevail against adversaries not as well equipped and arguably less ideologically motivated than its adversaries in Iran.

Meanwhile, for a president whose central foreign policy campaign promise was no more wars, the growing number of casualties, along with the escalating damage inflicted by Iran on U.S. assets and allies, has exposed cracks in the support the Teflon-like Trump has enjoyed from his advocates.

Onetime MAGA acolytes, including flagship conservative figures such as Tucker Carlson, Megyn Kelly and Alex Jones, have already turned on the president over the war and other issues. And Republican figures who had tied their star to Trump fear a drubbing in the midterms so long as the war continues.

If negotiations were to resume, it’s unclear whether Trump and his coterie of negotiators have the stamina or the foreign service expertise to bring about an accord.

After all, the 2015 Obama-era deal aimed at reining in Tehran’s nuclear program took 600 days and hundreds of diplomats and technical experts to negotiate.

With Trump relying on unconventional fixers such as his son-in-law Jared Kushner and real estate investor Steve Witkoff, not to mention his evisceration of the diplomatic corps, an agreement of that scale appears unlikely.

“Everything is dependent on the mood of one man,” Nasr said.

“It’s not the system that’s making the decision; it’s not the country making the decision,” he said. “It’s one man, and it depends how he feels like at one particular point in time.”

Tehran too may be less amenable to negotiations with Trump, given his history: During his first term, he pulled out of the nuclear deal and ordered the assassination of Qassem Suleimani, a leading Iranian general.

In his second term, he launched bombing campaigns on Iran during negotiations — twice. And Iran accused the U.S. of repeatedly violating the April ceasefire and the memorandum of understanding signed in June.

Asked on NewsNation on Sunday about Iran’s announcement that it would no longer abide by the memorandum, Trump said, “I couldn’t care less.”

Such factors, said Ali Vaez, the Iran project director for the International Crisis Group, lead to a formula for prolonged conflict.

“It’s a forever war in the making, and the reason why is that Trump has proven he’s impossible to negotiate with,” Vaez said.

If an agreement as superficial as the memorandum of understanding — which deferred thornier issues for late negotiations — was derailed, then there’s little option other than repeated cycles of violence.

“Once you’ve proven that diplomacy doesn’t work,” he said, “then there’s only war.”

Aston Villa have completed the £38m signing of midfielder Joao Gomes from Wolves.

The Brazil international joins for an initial £34m with £4m in add-ons.

Villa completed a club record deal worth more than £50m for Freiburg midfielder Johan Manzambi on Friday, beating Newcastle to the Switzerland international.

Atletico Madrid had also been keen on Gomes, but the 25-year-old left Wolves’ training camp in Portugal on Thursday to have a medical and finalise his move to Villa Park.

Villa midfielder Amadou Onana is out until next year after suffering a serious knee injury with Belgium at the World Cup.

Villa have also sold Youri Tielemans to Manchester United for £35m, while fellow midfielder Morgan Rogers is set to leave after a £117m deal was agreed with Chelsea.

Gomes made 41 appearances for Wolves last season and was named Player of the Year as they finished bottom of the Premier League.

He played 130 times for the club, scoring seven goals, after joining from Flamengo in 2023.

Wolves technical director Matt Jackson said: “Joao deserves everything he gets from the game. He’s a model professional, a lovely young man and a great family man.

“He’s the type of professional coaches love and players love, so he will go on to be the outstanding player that we know he is.

“We’re obviously sorry to see him go, but we have to take responsible decisions for the football club, and then we build to be stronger collectively.

“It’s a very natural part of football – the best run football clubs who don’t have unlimited resources have to work this way.

“The model is something that we have to adopt, and our fans have always been hugely understanding of that.”

A million jubilant Spain supporters are expected to greet their heroes on Monday in Madrid, as the World Cup winners return home after clinching their second star.

Spain’s 1-0 victory against Argentina in New Jersey on Sunday, secured by a Ferran Torres strike in extra-time, has sparked an outpouring of national pride in the football-mad country, whose only other World Cup triumph came in 2010.

Coach Luis de la Fuente and his squad’s flight had a scheduled landing time in Madrid of 12:50pm (10:50 GMT) with the golden trophy in tow, after a dominant performance with “total control” against a “helpless Argentine side”, according to Spanish daily Marca.

Many younger supporters were not yet born when Andres Iniesta’s extra-time goal against the Netherlands secured Spain’s first World Cup in South Africa 16 years ago.

On Monday morning, the Castellana, Madrid’s main avenue, bore the marks of a boozy evening – the tarmac strewn with rubbish, beer cans and shards of glass.

Among the last remaining supporters, some slept with grins on their faces on the pavement or on benches, while others were still staggering home as cleaning crews worked from the early hours to prepare the route for tonight’s party.

“I didn’t sleep much, because … [of] the celebration and then the tension of the match. I think it was a little more difficult for all of us to fall asleep,” Madrid Mayor Jose Luis Martinez-Almeida told RNE radio.

After landing, the players will be received by King Felipe VI at Zarzuela Palace, on the outskirts of Madrid, according to the mayor.

It is not yet known whether the team will be met by Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez at the government headquarters, La Moncloa, as he had to make a swift visit to Algeria.

Spain’s World Cup winners will enjoy an open-top bus parade, starting at Moncloa and heading to Cibeles Square, the central government’s representative in Madrid, Francisco Martin, told Spanish public television.

A ceremony involving the players will then be held at the square, the traditional gathering point for celebrations by the Spanish national team and its supporters.

About one million people are expected to line the parade route, with additional security and transport measures planned to handle the crowds, Martin explained.

A total of 2,050 police officers and 400 Civil Guard personnel will be deployed, he added.

Some supporters who already had only a short night’s sleep are planning to celebrate again, like Bruno Gonzalez del Yerro, a 32-year-old financier.

“We’ll have to celebrate it one way or another, given that it only happens every four years and that Spain hadn’t won it for about [16] years now. It definitely deserves a party,” he said.

Spain’s women’s side won the World Cup in 2023, meaning for the first time a country has both trophies at the same time.

In 2030 Spain will defend their crown on home soil, as one of the World Cup hosts along with Portugal and Morocco.

The Spanish press was running out of superlatives to describe its heroes after they overcame favourites France in the semifinal before downing Argentina.

“The kings of all-time!” wrote Marca, celebrating a “second star that will now be stitched onto the Spanish jersey after yet another masterclass in collective play”.

On a tragic note, a 13-year-old boy was killed at about midnight in the town of Ciudad Rodrigo in the west, after a fountain crumbled under the weight of supporters who had climbed onto it to celebrate.

In Buenos Aires, the initial silence after defeat was striking, and then the tears came once the reality sank in. Their hopes of a fourth World Cup were dashed, but hundreds of thousands of people are expected to greet the team on their return at 5pm local time (20:00 GMT).

After more than five weeks of competition with the expanded format and 48 teams, only Spain and Argentina were left standing by the 104th and final match.

The 2022 champions, despite the presence of all-time great Lionel Messi, failed to create clear chances against Spain’s well-organised and more positive side.

Enzo Fernandez’s red card left Argentina with their backs pinned to the wall, and Barcelona forward Torres slammed home after fellow substitute Nico Williams teed him up.

“It’s not my goal, it’s the goal of 47 million people,” said Spain’s match-winner.

Messi had a sensational World Cup but drifted through the final like a ghost, shedding tears at the end. In Madrid, tears will also flow on Monday night, but tears of joy.

Castelldefels, Spain – Fans waving the red and gold Spanish flag filled the streets, shot fireworks into the night sky and hugged each other into the early hours of Monday morning after Spain beat Argentina 1-0 in the World Cup final.

The jubilation on the streets was echoed in towns and cities across Spain as La Roja won the title for the second time with a goal by Ferran Torres in extra-time.

Fans who had been watching giant screens chanted “Campeones! Campeones!” (Champions! Champions!).

However, in Castelldefels, a tourist town south of Barcelona, fans from both nationalities enjoyed the match thanks to the presence of a sizeable Argentinian emigre community.

Chief among them is – in spirit at least – one rather special former resident: Lionel Messi.

Messi spent his greatest years playing at Barcelona and his presence still looms large over the town. Many Argentina or neutral fans walked around during the match on Sunday sporting his famous 10 shirt.

And this being Catalonia, where support for independence from Spain may have faded in recent years but remains a potent force, many support other sides in the World Cup.  Many support Argentina, precisely because of the influence of Messi.

The Argentina captain still owns a luxury complex in Castelldefels replete with its own football pitch which is reported to be worth $8m.

Bellamar nestles in the hills above this seaside town of 70,000 inhabitants just south of Barcelona, where he made his home with his family in his glory days at Barca.

Barca fans still cherish the thought of Messi returning to the city when he finally hangs up his boots. The rumour mill ran wild when the player recently bought the Unio Cornella, a team in the fifth tier of Spanish football.

He used to walk his children to school at the local British school in the town with passers by watching in awe.

Before he became too much of a global megastar, he would go for a quiet drink at seaside bars with his wife and sign autographs or pose for pictures without problem.

Everyone in this well-to-do-town on the shores of the Mediterranean has a story about when they met Messi. Some of them are true.

La Pampa is just one of the many Argentinian steak restaurants in the town which the Argentinian captain used to patronise when he lived here. Its owners quietly show off pictures of the player smiling for the camera.

For younger diners, the Ankara Burger is full of football shirts  of Argentinian clubs like Boca Juniors, River Plate or Independiente.

Catalonia, the northeastern region of Spain whose capital is Barcelona, has the largest expat population of Argentinians in Spain, numbering 37,980.

Away from these Mediterranean shores, controversy has raged over  Argentinian players’ display of a political banner supporting an Argentinian sovereignty claim over the Falklands Islands after their World Cup semifinal victory over England, a move that appeared to violate the FIFA stadium code of conduct and struck a nerve in the United Kingdom over political sovereignty.

Argentina President Javier Millei’s support for Israel has also prompted controversy in a country like Spain, where polls have found a majority backed the Palestinian cause.

However, in Castelldefels, the political rows raging thousands of miles away were not on fans’ minds last night.

The Spanish and Argentinian flags fly outside the apartment of Gio and Gema Gonzalez, demonstrating perfectly the cultural melting pot here.

Gio Gonzalez emigrated to Spain from Buenos Aires in 2000, following a well-worn path for many other Argentinians. He met his wife Gema in Barcelona and the couple later moved to Castelldefels in 2007.

Like thousands of others, the couple went to watch the match on a giant screen organised by the town council.

“I am a mad keen Argentina fan so I was dreaming that we would win again but it was not to be. It was a tough match but I am happy for my wife that Spain could win,” said Gonzalez, 54, a research scientist.

Gema Gonzalez, 46, a housewife, was beaming in the wake of Spain’s victory after a hard-fought game.

“I feel sorry for my husband – but only a bit!” she laughed. “I think Spain were the better side and we deserved to win. I know I would say this but, I think we were the best side in this tournament.”

JESSIE J has announced she’s parted ways from her baby daddy Chanan Colman three years after the birth of their son.

The singer took to Instagram to share the news with fans and revealed they broke up “some time ago.”

IF you were planning to head to the capital this weekend, you might want to check your train journey.

London will see two train stations close this week for major revamps.

Both Charing Cross and Waterloo East train stations will close on Sunday, July 26, for three weeks.

The two stations, which handle millions of passengers between them each year, will undergo a £20million glow-up.

The stations will then both reopen on August 16.

Across the 22-day closure, all services will be cancelled, with commuters instead having to go to London Victoria, London Bridge, London Cannon Street, or London Blackfriars for alternative services.

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Upgrades include structural repairs to the 175-year-old Hungerford Bridge, which trains head over the River Thames on.

Later this year there will also be two weekend closures – one between August 22 and 23 and another between October 10 and 11.

Travellers will be able to use tickets on alternative routes including the Underground and buses, for no extra charge during the closure period.

Scott Brightwell, train services director at Southeastern Railway, previously said: “The £20 million investment we are delivering will see 1990s track and platforms upgraded to make journeys safer and more reliable, and Victorian- era structures strengthened to remain fit for the future.

“By consolidating the work into a 22-day closure, supported by preparation and follow-up weekends, we can complete the work more quickly and with less disruption overall than the alternative options of 60 weekend closures or four to five, nine-day closures.”

He added: “We have planned the closure for the summer, when passenger numbers are around 20 per cent lower and schools are closed, to help manage the impact on customers.”

Travellers are urged to plan ahead and check before they travel.

With the summer holidays set to be one of the busiest travel periods, everyone needs to be aware of the different rules when it comes to taking a nifty gadget on board flights

Before jetting off abroad this summer, it’s vital to understand the little-known gadget rule that varies by airline.

For most of us, packing a power bank for our holiday is top of the list, whether it’s to use at the airport or while exploring a new city. But there are strict rules for carrying the nifty gadget onboard.

Earlier this year, the International Civil Aviation Organisation amended its rules on passengers carrying power banks, along with lithium cells or batteries, onboard any aircraft. The changes came into effect on 27 March, limiting how travellers pack and use their power banks, with a cap on the number that can be taken on board.

The amended rules from the ICAO stated that power banks:

• Must be carried in carry‑on baggage
• Must be individually protected when not in use
• Must not be recharged on board the aircraft
• Should not be used to charge other portable electronic devices on board the aircraft
• Maximum of two power banks per person

There have been various reports of power banks causing hazardous issues onboard, with safety experts at the UK Civil Aviation Authority (CAA) explaining that lithium batteries found in power banks can be dangerous on planes, primarily because they can enter “thermal runaway.” This is a process in which a battery experiences a rapid, uncontrollable temperature surge, potentially leading to fires, explosions, and the release of toxic fumes.

In accordance with International Civil Aviation Organisation rules, most airlines allow passengers to carry two power banks per person on board. However, they cannot be used during the flight and must be taken on board in their hand luggage.

What airlines allow two power banks?

• Asiana Airlime
• British Airways
• Cathay Pacific
• China Airlines
• easyJet
• EVA Air
• Jet2
• Lufthansa
• Korean Air
• Loganair
• Qantas
• Ryanair
• Singapore Airlines
• Starlux Airlines
• TUI Airways
• United
• Vietnam Airlines
• Wizz Air

While these airlines allow two power banks on board, they also outline their own additional rules, including the permitted watt-hours and the required device condition. So it’s vital to check your airline’s specific power bank rules before jetting off abroad.

What airlines only allow one power bank?

While most airlines allow travellers to take two power banks on board, Emirates restricts customers to just one power bank per person. They state that it must be under 100 watt-hours, carried in hand luggage, and cannot be used to charge devices on board.

The airline also outlines that the power bank should not be placed in the overhead lockers, but must be placed in the seat pocket or in a bag underneath the seat in front. For full details on Emirates’ power bank rules, visit their website.

What airlines allow more than two power banks?

Meanwhile, Virgin Atlantic permits passengers to carry up to five power banks or spare batteries per person. However, it depends significantly on their watt-hour (Wh) rating.

They also need to be stored in hand luggage and cannot be used during the flight. For full details on Virgin Atlantic’s power bank restrictions, visit their website.

Do you have a travel story to share? Email webtravel@reachplc.com

Wilfredo Engalla, a 51-year-old Filipino immigrant, alleged in a medical malpractice case that Kaiser doctors misdiagnosed him with colds and allergies for years before eventually informing him he had terminal lung cancer.

He died before his complaint could be heard by an arbitrator, which his Kaiser policy required. His case prompted a withering rebuke from the California Supreme Court, which said Kaiser’s system of arbitrating legal disputes was subject to long delays and unfair to its members. The year was 1997.

Nearly three decades after the landmark decision, the HMO giant — which made a series of sweeping reforms after the ruling — is once again facing questions over whether its arbitration system is stacked against the interests of its members.

Plaintiffs attorneys, legislators and patients say Kaiser’s private and confidential process for arbitrating legal disputes over medical care still has key flaws that favor Kaiser over patients bringing malpractice cases. The company insures about 25% of Californians, including some employees of the Los Angeles Times.

“Kaiser has really lost its way,” said Assemblyman Robert Garcia (D-Rancho Cucamonga). Garcia, who is a longtime Kaiser member, recently introduced a bill to require the California attorney general to oversee arbitrations mandated by any health plan.

Kaiser defended its arbitration system, saying in a statement that it was fair for both patients and the nonprofit.

Many companies and other organizations, including some hospitals, HMOs and physician groups, require their customers or patients to take their complaints to private arbitration rather than to court.

But unlike most other companies, which send claims to large arbitration firms, Kaiser created its own system back in 1971.

Under Kaiser’s system, once a neutral arbitrator is selected, either party can opt to disqualify that person without cause. There is no limit on the number of disqualifications.

Although the health plan designed the system to be fair, patients and their lawyers have alleged that in reality Kaiser’s greater knowledge of arbitrators’ past rulings and its ability to veto arbitrators give it an advantage to pick favorable judges.

Critics such as Arlan Cohen, a physician and attorney who has brought more than two dozen cases against the health plan, say the system also provides a financial incentive to arbitrators to rule in Kaiser’s favor in order to be selected for future cases.

While Kaiser has access to all the decisions made by arbitrators in its system, the patient’s family gets a more limited disclosure of an arbitrator’s history of cases, lawyers say, adding that it’s not easy to see which arbitrators have ruled frequently for Kaiser.

Kaiser said it disagreed that the system allowed it to select favored arbitrators.

“The appointment process is not influenced by whether the arbitrator has ruled for or against KP or has a record of ruling against Kaiser Permanente,” its statement said.

“As required by law, both parties receive information about potential arbitrators and can decline to move forward with any they are not comfortable,” the statement said.

One problem is what experts call the “repeat player effect,” in which a large company appearing repeatedly before the same panel of arbitrators allegedly gains an advantage over the individual bringing a single complaint.

David Allen Larson, past chair of the American Bar Assn.’s dispute resolution section, said the repeat player effect happens because the patient will likely be choosing an arbitrator on the health plan’s system just once, while “Kaiser is selecting them every single day.”

“They know the system. They know the rules,” Larson said of Kaiser. “The entire process gives them an advantage.”

Alan Kang, a lawyer, in a recent petition filed in L.A. County Superior Court, contends that the fees the arbitrators earn from hearing cases — as much as $2,000 an hour — give them an incentive to rule in Kaiser’s favor so they are chosen to hear more cases.

“When a judge’s future income is at stake, it is impossible to be impartial,” Kang wrote in the petition.

The petition seeks to void the December decision of an arbitrator who ruled against the family of Evangelina Aquino, a Kaiser employee who died of cancer at age 40.

Kang, the Aquino family and the medical experts they hired for the case say her cancer would have been treatable if Kaiser doctors had found it with a test they said her symptoms called for. Kaiser argued it was a different kind of cancer that was aggressive and untreatable. The arbitrator agreed with Kaiser in the December decision.

After the ruling, Kang began analyzing data from Kaiser’s system.

His review of dozens of cases in the last six years found that judges overseeing the most cases nearly always ruled for Kaiser.

“The message is clear: deliver wins for Kaiser and you will get additional business,” Kang wrote in his court petition.

The Oakland-based health plan declined to answer questions about its arbitration system and Kang’s claims, but said in a statement that its “arbitration process is designed to be fair, impartial, and accessible to all members. While some arbitrators may handle multiple Kaiser Permanente-related cases, they are not employed by Kaiser Permanente, and they are selected by both parties, in accordance with the law.”

“We recognize that arbitration cases often involve difficult and deeply personal experiences for patients and families,” the statement said, “and we take all concerns raised through these processes seriously.”

Kaiser’s unique arbitration system

Arbitration can have advantages over the court system, including allowing Kaiser to save on legal costs, which otherwise would raise the price of premiums it charges to families, employers and governments.

Kaiser offers to pay the arbitrators’ fees, which can save families tens of thousands of dollars.

Arbitration may also lead to faster outcomes, possibly avoiding years of litigation. Unlike civil litigation, arbitration decisions are especially difficult to appeal.

After the criticism by the state Supreme Court in 1997, Kaiser reformed the system by creating the Office of the Independent Administrator. The office is funded by a Kaiser trust and the $150 fee each patient filing a claim must pay, said Marcella Bell, who serves as the independent administrator.

Bell said the office works independently from Kaiser.

The office selected 195 retired judges and lawyers to serve on a panel that patients and Kaiser can choose from when selecting a neutral arbitrator to oversee and decide a malpractice case.

Rules written by the independent administrator, in consultation with the health plan and an advisory board, allow Kaiser and the family to cut an arbitrator they don’t like, at multiple steps in the process.

The administrator’s office randomly selects 12 members from its panel. Both sides can each remove any four of those arbitrators. The two sides then rank the remaining arbitrators in order of preference. The administrator selects the top-ranked arbitrator to hear the case.

The two parties then still have the ability to disqualify that selection without cause.

Members of the United Nurses Assns. of California and Union of Healthcare Professionals strike outside Kaiser Permanente in Oakland on Jan. 28.

(Jessica Christian / San Francisco Chronicle)

Last year, Kaiser’s arbitration system closed 529 arbitration cases.

The arbitrators threw out 14% of the cases, ruling in favor of Kaiser’s motion for summary judgment, and dismissed an additional 5% of cases on technical or procedural grounds.

Only 23 cases, or 4% of the total, went to a hearing. Among those, the arbitrator decided for Kaiser in 17, with the patient winning the remaining six.

Patients and their families withdrew their claim in 20% of the cases. About half of those patients did not have a lawyer and had tried to represent themselves.

The parties settled for an undisclosed sum in 57% of the cases. The settlements are confidential.

Patient safety questions

Those who have studied the use of arbitration by Kaiser and other HMOs for medical malpractice claims say the secrecy of the settlements and the closed hearings could keep safety problems from coming to light.

“The secrecy of arbitration proceedings may prevent publicity that could reveal poor doctors,” the California Research Bureau warned in a report in 2000 that analyzed Kaiser’s system. That compares with public court cases that could deter “bad behavior” in the future, the researchers wrote.

In December 2023, 53-year-old Francisco Delgadillo arrived at the Kaiser ER in Vallejo with severe chest pain. After an initial assessment, he waited eight hours for care, according to state regulators.

He died in the lobby. A state and federal investigation found multiple violations, including that Kaiser failed to have a licensed nurse monitoring the dozens of patients in the ER’s waiting room.

The Delgadillo family filed an arbitration claim. Their lawyer Jeff Mitchell said the case settled for a confidential sum and he could not discuss it.

Mitchell agreed that the secrecy raised patient safety concerns.

“They love the system, otherwise they would not be so hellbent to keep it,” Mitchell said of Kaiser’s repeated efforts to dispel criticism. “They don’t want these cases to get in front of juries.”

A licensed practical nurse attends to a patient at a Kaiser Permanente in Culver City in September.

(Allen J. Schaben / Los Angeles Times)

Calls for reform

Despite the changes Kaiser made after the 1997 court decision, patients and their families have continued to complain.

According to the administrator’s 2025 annual report, the “most common” complaint the office heard last year was about the neutral arbitrator.

“Most complained that the arbitrator was biased, partisan, unjust, and in Kaiser’s favor,” the report said.

Stephen Martinez, a retired aerospace engineer from Bellflower, is leading the effort to pass the state bill introduced by Garcia.

At an April hearing in the state Assembly, Martinez spoke about how his wife had found a lump in her breast and asked for an appointment with her longtime caregiver at Kaiser to examine it. Instead she was sent to a physician assistant, who dismissed it, he said.

“The PA prescribed warm compresses, a sports bra, and limited chocolate,” Martinez testified. “We would later find that Lindalee did have breast cancer that had already spread.”

Martinez and his wife said they spent $175,000 on lawyers and medical experts to bring that arbitration case. A chief breast surgeon at Kaiser and another surgeon who had retired from that job both testified that the Kaiser physician assistant failed to follow the health system’s guidelines.

Kaiser’s expert argued that the physician assistant did an appropriate exam and that his low suspicion of breast cancer was reasonable. The neutral arbitrator concurred and ruled against the couple.

After passing the Assembly, Assembly Bill 1770 is now in the state Senate for consideration. The bill lets the attorney general decide what actions they will take to ensure health plan arbitrations are handled fairly and transparently. If the bill passes, the state would add four deputy attorneys general, a legal analyst and three legal secretaries to do that work, according to a legislative analyst’s report.

Kaiser says it has concerns about the bill, including that it would “create overlapping state oversight and duplicative reporting requirements.”

Kaiser Permanente’s corporate offices in downtown Oakland in January 2025.

(Jane Tyska / East Bay Times via Getty Images)

Questions of a missed diagnosis

When Janene Fowler was 22, her body seemed to turn against her. She grew weak, pain shot through her hands and feet, her heart raced. She soon required a wheelchair.

Fowler’s medical chart detailed what could have caused her disabling problems. A test eight years before had found a deficiency of vitamin B12, according to the chart. Over the years, Kaiser doctors noted problems such as depression, unexplained pain, shortness of breath, a sore tongue and an abnormal gait — all possible symptoms of vitamin B12 deficiency.

In February 2022, after her family complained about her not being able to see a neurologist, she got an appointment. The specialist noted her vitamin deficiency, telling the nurse to start her on a supplement at once. But the treatment did not begin because the paperwork was lost, her medical records show.

Two weeks later, Fowler left Kaiser to see a doctor at UCLA. A doctor there quickly started injections of B12.

Her symptoms gradually got better, but her new doctors say the years-long deficiency left permanent damage. She still can’t walk without help.

The arbitrator, a retired judge, sided with Kaiser’s doctors and experts, who questioned whether Fowler’s problems were caused by a deficiency of vitamin B12. While one test showed a deficiency, he noted that a second test failed to confirm it. He wrote that Fowler and her lawyers had failed to prove that Kaiser “breached its duty of care.”

Cohen, Fowler’s lawyer, asserted that the retired judge’s decision was contrary to UCLA medical records, which detail her deficiency and treatment.

Fowler now spends most of her time at home. She can’t drive. She often falls when she tries to get around with a cane. She loves to cook, but said she burns herself when she tries.

“My hands don’t really do what I tell them,” she said.

Kaiser declined to answer questions about her case, citing patients’ privacy rights.

Fowler said she’s angry about how the health plan’s doctors and its arbitration system treated her.

“I thought I was going to die, and no one at Kaiser seemed to care,” she said. “What justice can you have in a system that is run by those you are trying to sue?”

Heart of Midlothian will meet Fenerbahce or Gornik Zabrze if they get past Sturm Graz in Champions League qualifying.

Third round ties are scheduled for 4/5 and 11/12 August.

If Hearts lose out to the Austrians, St Gallen (SWI)/Benfica (POR), Twente (NED)/Ferencvaros (HUN) or Qarabag (AZE)/CSKA Sofia (BUL) await in the Europa League.

Like the Edinburgh club, Fenerbahce and Gornik Zabrze finished as runners-up last season in Turkey and Poland respectively.

Hearts last took part in Champions League qualifying in 2006-07, losing out at the third qualifying round stage to AEK Athens.

Rangers, Motherwell and Hibernian await news of their potential European opponents when the third qualifying round draws are made for the Europa League and Conference League.

Rangers are seeded and will play either Hammarby (SWE)/Anderlecht (BEL), Hajduk Split (CRO)/Pafos (CYP), Tromso (NOR)/Hradec Kralove (CZE) or Jagellonia Bialystok (POL).

In the Conference League, Motherwell take on Faroese outfit HB, with LNZ Cherkasy (UKR)/Gent (BEL), Besiktas (TUR)/FC Midtjylland (DEN), HJK Helsinki (FIN)/Coleraine (NIR), Twente (NED)/Ferencvaros (HUN) or RFS (Lat)/Vestri (ISL) waiting for the winners.

Meanwhile, Hibs are up against Kosovan side FK Malisheva with their potential next round opponents coming from NK Bravo (SVN)/KF Shkendija (MKD), FC Santa Coloma (AND)/SK Rapid (AUT), Rakow (POL)/Valetta (MLT), NK Rijeka (CRO)/Derry City (IRL) or FC Polissya (UKR)/FC Copenhagen (DEN).

Tragedy struck in the Salamanca province when a 13-year-old died during celebrations for the win against Argentina.

A 13-year-old died and another child was among the injured when a fountain partially collapsed in western Spain during mass celebrations of the ⁠country’s second football World Cup final victory, regional emergency services have said.

The accident occurred shortly after midnight on Monday in Ciudad Rodrigo, a ‌walled medieval city of about 12,000 in Salamanca province, near the border with Portugal.

Hundreds of residents had gathered at the Arbol Gordo fountain in the city’s centre ⁠when the upper part ⁠of the monument broke loose and struck several people, emergency services said.

In a statement, ⁠Ciudad Rodrigo’s town hall expressed condolences for the ⁠victim.

“The entire city feels ⁠this loss and accompanies the minor’s friends and family in their grief … What should ‌have been a celebration of the Spanish national team’s World Cup victory ‌has turned into a tragedy,” it said.

It is understood that the fountain collapsed under the weight of numerous people who had climbed onto it to celebrate Spain’s first World Cup victory since 2010.

“A few minutes after 12:30 am local time, rescue services received calls over a fountain collapsing on numerous people,” emergency services said in a post on X, adding that another youth, believed to be in a serious condition with a broken leg, was among the injured.

Spain beat Argentina 1-0 to win the 2026 edition of FIFA’s showpiece global event, which was staged at New York New Jersey Stadium by cohosts United States.

The match was 0-0 after regulation time, forcing the game to extra time where Ferran Torres scored the only goal of the game.