When I recall the great restaurants, culture and art found in Los Angeles’ Little Tokyo, one story that comes to mind is the tranquility and resilience of Higashi Honganji Buddhist Temple.

The roughly 1½-acre parcel at the corner of 3rd Street and Central Avenue offers peace amid the noise and bustle of downtown. It’s an oasis I first learned about five years ago when an unknown vandal broke into the sanctuary and stole some lanterns while burning others and vandalizing the facility.

The community ultimately rallied around its shrine, helping raise tens of thousands of dollars for repairs in time for the temple to celebrate the 50th anniversary of its Nov. 7, 1976 founding.

That sense of shared community and mission can be found throughout Little Tokyo, a theme easy to recognize in a feature written by my colleague Betty Hallock entitled “This must be Little Tokyo.”

Hallock jumps into the history of one of L.A.’s most vibrant neighborhoods and picks a few of the many places and experiences that make Little Tokyo unique. Let’s jump into a few of them.

(Laurie Ochoa / Los Angeles Times)

Japanese breakfast at Azay

Azay, a restaurant founded by the late chef Akira Hirose and run by his son Philip and wife, JoAnn, is one of the few places in Los Angeles serving traditional Japanese breakfast, and this one is stellar.

Composed of several small dishes, it feels like a celebration and draws a weekend crowd (reservations recommended). A wooden tray arrives at the table laden with jewel-like dishes such as grilled black cod and rolled omelet. Or order the daily bento or à la carte items, including custardy, savory chawanmushi or curry potato croquettes with shiso aioli.

Visit the family’s legacy shop next door, Anzen Hardware, for Japanese kitchen goods, knives and housewares. Philip Hirose also regularly programs community workshops and pop-ups.

Pro tip: Park all day in the Aiso Parking Garage across the street at 101 N. Judge John Aiso St., named after the first Japanese American to hold a judicial position in the continental U.S.

(Gary Coronado/For The Times)

Mexican American muralist Robert Vargas, who was born near Little Tokyo in Boyle Heights, painted a 150-foot image of baseball superstar Shohei Ohtani on the side of the 11-story Miyako Hotel, unveiled in the spring of 2024.

The painting, titled “L.A. Rising,” is meant to promote a cultural bridge between communities celebrating Dodgers pride. Vargas painted two versions of Ohtani, the best two-way player in Major League Baseball history (he’s the first to hit at least 50 home runs and steal at least 50 bases in a single season).

The mural shows Ohtani both pitching and hitting, and you can see him come to life by using an augmented reality feature. Scan a QR code located beneath the mural and point your phone camera at the image to see Ohtani swing the bat and pitch.

(Jeni Afuso/For The Times)

Shop for souvenirs at Bunkado, where Little Tokyo began

Gift shop Bunkado stands at the location of Little Tokyo’s beginning, where Hamanosuke Sugita opened a restaurant called Kame (which means “turtle,” a symbol of longevity) in 1884, the first Japanese-owned business in Los Angeles.

In 2022, the L.A. City Council commemorated the site and “the birth of Little Tokyo” with a plaque and street sign. Bunkado was founded in the same location in the mid-1940s by renowned Japanese American oil painter Tokio Ueyama and his wife, Suye, after they returned from incarceration in the World World II internment camps.

The name means “house of culture,” and the Ueyamas built an artists’ hub and eventually became important sellers and importers of recorded Japanese music. The store is now owned by their niece, Irene Tsukada Simonian, and sells Japanese ceramics, art tools, incense, toys, T-shirts and postcards.

Check out Hallock’s entire list.

Top stories

(Jonathan Alcorn/For The Times)

Los Angeles Mayor-elect Nithya Raman

State and local elections

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(Illustrations by Lindsey Made This; photograph by Monica Schipper / Getty Images for The Recording Academy)

Today’s recipe

(Katrina Frederick / For The Times)

Los Angeles food writer Carolynn Carreño believes the shift in the season marks an opportunity to embrace pumpkins this fall. Carreño’s twist, however, is telling her readers, who love fresh and organic ingredients, that it’s OK to use canned pumpkins. In fact, the canned product beats fresh when baking loaves, cookies and pancakes. She included several recipes here. Take a deep breath and try it out.

Photo of the day

Construction platforms are visible beneath and on the sides of the Vincent Thomas Bridge as vehicles travel across the span above the Port of Los Angeles in San Pedro. Caltrans is preparing for a 16-month closure of the bridge.

(Allen J. Schaben/Los Angeles Times)

Games

Here’s today’s mini crossword, plus our other free, daily crossword puzzle, sudoku, word search and jigsaw games.

Have a great day, from the Essential California team

Jack Dolan, investigative reporter
Hugo Martín, assistant editor, Fast Break desk
Kevinisha Walker, multiplatform editor
Andrew J. Campa, weekend writer
Karim Doumar, head of Newsletters

How can we make this newsletter more useful? Send comments to essentialcalifornia@latimes.com. Check our top stories, topics and the latest articles on latimes.com.

THE Great Bear – Ursa Major – burns bright against the darkening sky.

And if I twist my body a little, I can spot the Cygnus constellation shimmering through the gaps between the branches of a nearby tree.

It’s not every day that you get to stargaze from your bath. But at Liba Vineyard, the woodfired tubs are perfectly positioned for it beneath some of the darkest skies in the country.

This glamping site, on an old farm in rural Wiltshire, is home to just three snug pods, each set just beyond the vineyard’s young vines which are preparing for their first harvest next year.

Chris, the founder of the vineyard and glampsite, fires up the hot tub furnaces ahead of guests’ arrivals to ensure waters are kept at a balmy 40C.

Although that evening, I’m left to tend the dying embers solo, chucking on extra logs until smoke billows from the bath’s chimney in a magical plume.

WAIL OF A TIME

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It’s pretty satisfying to watch nature work its magic beneath the glittering sky.

That’s a big selling point of the off-grid Liba, whose name stems from a blend of the words ‘life’ and ‘balance’. Here, you’re fully at one with your surroundings and there’s a huge emphasis on organic materials and natural methods.

The vineyard’s alpacas, for example, are used to keep the site nice and tidy instead of fertilisers. Every so often, they roam among the vines and gobble up weeds, trim the grass and . . . provide some of the best natural fertiliser.

It’s much easier to manage this type of natural wine-making on a smaller scale, and this small-scale production is partly what will make Liba’s wine so special.

After a soothing evening gazing up at the stars and toasting marshmallows, I was up early the next morning to feed the alpacas before helping out with some grape-picking at a neighbouring vineyard.

While Chris is currently waiting for his own vines to ripen, he has still been able to hone his wine-making techniques by using grapes from nearby vineyards.

I discovered how to weed out the ripe fruit from the rotten stuff and even got involved in the sticky action of smushing grapes the traditional way – with my bare feet.

This is the sort of hands-on experience Chris is hoping to introduce to guests once he produces his first bottles.

The glampsite has only been open for around a year and already enjoyed a sell-out summer.

I can’t say I’m surprised. It is idyllic, especially during autumn when the outdoor fire pit can be used to its full advantage.

The finer details are just as important. The mattress in my pod was incredibly comfy, while fairy lights around the fence ensured I could easily get in and out of the hot tub at night.

A small kitchen is well equipped for fry-ups and the sofa can be turned into a bed for two extra guests.

The pods also have lots of windows, to fully embrace nature – including that glittering night sky.

The first volunteers gathered in the back house of Nithya Raman’s Silver Lake home with little besides a whiteboard counting down the number of days until the June 2 primary election.

Raman had jumped into the Los Angeles mayor’s race the day before, right at the Feb. 7 filing deadline. Her campaign didn’t have an office, a bank account, a campaign treasurer, or even a proper website.

It lacked, put simply, “the most basic things,” said Ian Manheimer, Raman’s campaign manager, who joined the team after a 10 p.m. call from Raman the night before the filing deadline. There would be a meeting the next day in Raman’s backyard accessory dwelling unit to get things rolling.

“For anyone who suspected Nithya had designs on this for a long time, you could just come to the ADU and that would dispel those notions,” Manheimer said.

Those unassuming beginnings in Raman’s backyard, with her parents and her husband’s parents taking turns cooking vegetarian Indian lunches for the small staff, evolved into a disciplined campaign that overcame initial struggles to unseat incumbent Mayor Karen Bass, a veteran politician who had racked up endorsements from most of L.A.’s traditional power brokers.

Nithya Raman speaks at a campaign phone bank event at UCLA on May 31.

(Jonathan Alcorn/For The Times)

Raman did it on a hyper-abbreviated timeline by turning out and expanding her base of younger renters, pitching herself successfully to Latino voters, securing late but key endorsements from groups and officials that gave massive support to her campaign’s ground game and by running on a hopeful message about restoring city services against a deeply unpopular mayor.

From the moment she got into the race, there was an evident, yet narrow lane for the progressive, second-term council member to rise to the city’s highest office, but it was far from clear that she would be able to make it through.

For much of the primary, Raman and her campaign were all alone. She had few endorsements, and almost none from elected officials.

Because of her late entry into the race and some past disagreements, she failed to secure the backing of the Los Angeles chapter of the Democratic Socialists of America for the June 2 primary, even though the left-wing organization endorsed her in both of her council campaigns. Raman got almost no supportive outside spending in the primary, while millions of dollars were spent opposing her.

But Raman had made a name for herself on the City Council as an advocate for tenant rights, and her campaign focused on turning out L.A.’s legions of renters to secure enough of the vote to make the runoff.

She was still a largely unknown entity early on in the race, with 51% of likely voters in a March poll saying they didn’t know enough about Raman to form an opinion of her.

On top of that, Raman was quickly upstaged by Spencer Pratt, the Republican former reality television personality, whose slash-and-burn campaign on social media attacking L.A.’s liberal political establishment dominated news coverage.

While Raman’s camp hadn’t initially worried too much about Pratt, thinking he and entrepreneur Adam Miller would split the more conservative vote in the city, it became clear as the primary went on that Pratt could emerge over Raman as the second candidate in the runoff.

Spencer Pratt, from left, Karen Bass and Nithya Raman take part in a televised debate at the Skirball Cultural Center May 6 during the primary race.

(Jason Armond/Los Angeles Times)

To dent Pratt’s appeal, the Raman campaign worked to brand him as the MAGA Republican in the nonpartisan race, knowing it would hurt his chances in a deep-blue city like Los Angeles. They chose to try out the line at the only televised mayoral debate.

Raman didn’t miss her chance.

“This is a MAGA Republican’s idea of what Los Angeles looks like,” she said during the NBC4 debate on May 6, referring to Pratt’s sometimes dystopian depiction of L.A. “This is really not the city that I love so much.”

Though Raman’s debate performance was widely panned — and Pratt’s was praised — her team felt she had gotten the point across to Angelenos: With the unpopular Bass almost certain not to win the primary outright, the runoff could either be a contest between two progressive Democrats, or Bass versus a candidate whose views echoed those of President Trump.

That debate was a learning moment for Raman and her campaign.

“She’s up against an extremely seasoned politician and a television star. She’s just a normal person who hasn’t been on stage like that,” Manheimer said.

But defining Pratt as MAGA, the campaign believed, would pull some voters to Raman from lower-performing candidates on the left and in the middle with the hopes of keeping Pratt out of the runoff.

Raman was able to eke out a win against Pratt in the primary, getting 29% of the vote compared to his 26%, with Bass taking first place at 34%.

The sole goal of the primary for Raman’s campaign was, self-evidently, to make it out of the primary.

If her team could move on to the runoff, it would be able to reset — fundraising would restart, it could build a bigger team and it would have a longer runway to increase Raman’s name recognition and build out her base.

While Bass dominated labor and elected official endorsements throughout the race, Raman began to pick up key supporters in the runoff.

In August, the Western States Regional Council of Carpenters endorsed her, sponsoring an independent expenditure group for her called Estamos con Nithya for Mayor 2026.

That was followed by the endorsement from the union Unite Here Local 11, a major player in city politics, which represents hospitality workers at airports and in hotels.

Raman also got major endorsements in the runoff from City Controller Kenneth Mejia and L.A. County Supervisor Lindsey Horvath.

Mejia especially became a pit bull for Raman at events and on social media.

“Kenneth would call every day and say, ‘Let me know what myths I can bust today,’ ” said Tessa Wick, the communications director for Raman’s campaign.

“We didn’t have time to feel particularly lonely in the primary, but once we saw what it felt like to have all these groups and people behind us, each press conference we would do was injecting more force into this movement we were building,” Wick said.

Raman’s bid also got a serious infusion of cash from Aaron Sosnick, a hedge fund manager and bike lane advocate who poured $8 million into two independent expenditure groups to support Raman, making him the single biggest spender in the mayoral campaign.

“He is a cyclist. He just wants to not die riding the streets in L.A.,” said Michael Schneider, who runs Streets for All, a transportation advocacy group that ran one of the independent expenditure groups that Sosnick funded.

Raman also capitalized on a difficult summer for Bass, during which the mayor faced turnover on both her campaign and administration teams, unsheltered homelessness rose citywide (but crucially, went down sharply in Raman’s city council district) and a massive fire burned at a cold-storage food warehouse in Boyle Heights, sending noxious fumes into the heavily Latino, working-class neighborhood.

Nithya Raman, right, reviews notes in Spanish with Lauren Perez-Rangel before an interview at Univision on Oct. 22.

(Myung J. Chun/Los Angeles Times)

“Many Latinos saw themselves in the Boyle Heights residents,” said Lauren Perez-Rangel, senior director of Latino outreach for the Raman campaign.

Bass had prevailed in more Latino neighborhoods than any other candidate in the primary. The Raman campaign worked to change that in the runoff, Perez-Rangel said, focusing especially on Latino voters. Raman brushed up on her Spanish and used it frequently at events.

The campaign also teamed up with Latino and Spanish-language content creators to spread Raman’s message of affordability, building more housing and solving the homeless crisis. The result: Raman led Bass among Latino likely voters throughout the runoff campaign, according to polls by UC Berkeley IGS and the L.A. Times.

Despite that growing support, Bass and her allies’ negative portrayal of Raman in attack ads had an effect, as Raman’s unfavorable ratings rose month by month. They framed the council member as too far left, allowing homeless encampments in front of schools and failing to show up for thousands of City Council votes.

“It was a race to define Nithya,” said Jeff Millman, an advisor and spokesperson for Raman’s campaign. “Their strategy was to tear down Nithya. Our job was to make sure that people knew Nithya’s strengths and record of success as a council member.”

As the campaign drew to a climax, Raman improved as a candidate and came off as more confident during the two runoff debates. Her team said she spent many hours improving her debate skills.

“There was no secret weapon, just a person really committed to practicing,” said Wick.

Still, she opened herself up to attacks from Bass’ side during the final debate Oct. 13, after she said the city used to be the “gold standard” of noncooperation with immigration authorities under controversial former LAPD Chief Daryl Gates. Bass hammered Raman over the remark, accusing the council member of romanticizing Gates’ tenure.

Despite that and other missteps during the closing days of the campaign, her team said it was Raman’s insistence on running a largely positive campaign about an optimistic vision of L.A.’s future that pushed her over the finish line.

“She was really dogged that it was a campaign that was hopeful, not nasty and cynical. She wanted the campaign to be a love letter to L.A.,” said Wick.

Nithya Raman embraces her husband, TV writer Vali Chandrasekaran, left, on election night at the Greek Theatre plaza.

(Robert Gauthier/Los Angeles Times)

In her election night speech, still trailing Bass by a few percentage points that she would quickly make up, Raman spoke to that vision.

She called it a vision where the people who made L.A. extraordinary could afford to live in the city and where government is responsive and takes responsibility.

“We believed that Angelenos were hungry for that city,” she said. “And it turns out that we were right.”

Stockport goalkeeper Luca Ashby-Hammond is given a straight red card after a challenge on the edge of the box and from the subsequent free-kick Alex Hernandez doubles Cray Wanderers’ lead with a fantastic free-kick.

WATCH MORE: FA Cup first round action

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Philippine’ tennis star Eala was left stunned after a 6-3, 6-0 loss to the 102-ranked American in Hong Kong.

Tennis trailblazer Alex Eala from the Philippines burst into tears as she reflected on a “life-changing” season after falling agonisingly short of a second WTA Tour title in Hong Kong.

The second seed was stunned 6-3, 6-0 by Claire Liu in the final of the Hong Kong Open as the American, ranked 102nd, won her first tour title on Sunday.

Eala is at a career-high 17 in the world after a breakout year in which the 21-year-old clinched her maiden title, in Washington, DC, in August.

That victory made her the first player from the Philippines to win a tournament on the WTA Tour.

Eala, set to rise to world number 15 next week, started the year ranked 50th.

“This season has changed my life; it’s changed my life for the better,” Eala, who finished the final with heavy strapping on her right leg, told the crowd afterwards.

Becoming emotional as she addressed her team in the stands, she said: “I’m incredibly proud of the work we’ve put in this year.

“We’re the only ones that truly know what it took to arrive to this point in our journey.

“This is only the beginning.”

RUSSELL Brand’s family are said to be deeply concerned for his wife and fear the disgraced comedian “totally brainwashed” her into believing he is innocent.

Besotted 39-year-old Laura Gallacher is said to remain fiercely loyal to her sicko husband – despite him being convicted of rape and three sexual assaults.

Relatives worry that Laura has been so swayed by rapist Brand that she refuses to accept the evidence against him, the Mail reports.

It comes after The Sun revealed that Laura – who has stood by her hubby throughout the trial – is in two minds about attending the sentencing hearing tomorrow.

Sources close to her family claim she has been left convinced that the 51-year-old is innocent, and is even determined to support an appeal against his convictions.

One family friend told the Mail: “Russell gets what Russell wants. He has that charm and swagger, and Laura is besotted with him.

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“She goes along with what he wants, it’s like he has totally brainwashed her.”

They added that his absence could give Laura the opportunity to step away from his influence and reassess their relationship.

Brand faces a “lengthy” prison sentence after being found guilty of one count of rape and three counts of sexual assault following a trial at Southwark Crown Court.

The offences involved four women and took place between 2005 and 2009.

He was also acquitted of two further counts of rape and one count of attempted indecent assault.

But the split verdict is understood to have strengthened Laura’s belief that her husband was wrongly accused.

A friend told the Mail she believes the jury’s decision to clear him of three charges proves the other allegations were also untrue.

Laura had attended court throughout the trial, sitting in the public gallery as six women gave evidence about their experiences.

She was regularly seen arriving alongside Brand, holding his hand as they entered and left the building.

The mother-of-three also took notes as the women described the allegations against her husband.

Those close to her reportedly noticed what they believed was growing anger as she listened to the evidence, which they claim she dismissed as lies.

In videos shared on the couple’s online show, Sunday Service With The Brands, Laura also spoke about the emotional strain of attending court.

During one recording, she described putting on her “armour” before entering the building.

She said she would begin to feel nervous as soon as she approached the street where the court was situated.

Brand, who has reinvented himself as a born-again Christian, regularly features alongside Laura in the online broadcasts, which include Bible readings, prayers and discussions about family life.

The couple have been married for nine years and share three children- two girls aged nine and seven, and a three-year-old son.

Laura, the daughter of former European Ryder Cup captain Bernard Gallacher, is said to have found the guilty verdict particularly difficult to accept.

Brand was remanded into custody at HMP Wandsworth after the verdict, leaving his wife to leave court without him.

Sources claim she was shocked and extremely upset by his imprisonment and believes he has been badly treated.

Laura is understood to have taken comfort from the three charges on which he was acquitted.

The family are now said to be rallying around Laura and the children as they face an uncertain future.

Her older sister, former Sky Sports presenter Kirsty Gallacher, is among those supporting her.

Bernard and his wife Lesley are also said to have been left heartbroken by the scandal.

The family are particularly concerned about what comes next, with cops continuing to investigate further allegations against Brand.

The comedian faces separate rape allegations involving two more women, including a girl who was 16 at the time.

The Metropolitan Police investigation could lead to further charges and another trial.

Despite his convictions, Laura is reportedly determined to stand by her husband and support him through any future legal proceedings.

The couple had spent much of their time living in Florida before Brand’s trial, but Laura is now expected to remain in the UK while he serves his sentence.

Relatives are said to hope she will spend more time closer to them in Henley-on-Thames, Oxfordshire.

One family friend told the Mail: “You can’t help thinking life would have been way less painful for Laura if they had never met.”

Anthropic (ANT) agreed to spend $3.4 billion to secure gas-fired generators through Texas supplier OnePWR Solutions, the Financial Times reported. The September transaction covers 1.7 gigawatts of generating capacity and includes engineering and construction capabilities to install the equipment.

Anthropic (

PICKING the best seat in economy no longer just boils down to aisle or window.

Some seats come with extra perks like more legroom or easier access to the bathrooms – but how do you know which one to choose?

There is a little known tool that can tell you everything you need to know about the seats on your flight and help you to find the best one.

AeroLOPA has highly detailed seat maps that are drawn to scale.

To use the website, you need to know the airline and the aircraft you are flying on, although this can be found with a quick Google search.

When you know if, you can check the website for all kinds of extras such as how much legroom there is as well as how far the exit door intrudes into a leg room area.

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You can also find out which seats have the best window view.

And the seats even have reviews from other passengers, which are ranked up to 5, with red being bad, amber being fine and green being the best.

Seats that are yellow usually have downfalls, which can include being located near a bassinet-suitable seat, suggesting that you could face noisy children during the flight.

Other things highlight include if the window is aligned behind the seat, when there is no under seat storage and being near the loo.

Any seat highlighted with red are rated as the worst seats on the plane and will be labelled with ‘avoid’ – unless you fancy sitting directly by a possibly smelly and noisy loo.

In our opinion? You will normally find the best seats near the front of economy, due to legroom by the bulkseat, or by the back where you might have a missing seat (so more room for yourself).

AeroLOPA doesn’t just have seat maps either.

You can also access its Super Schedule which shows all the possible flights on a route to choose from.

When Shiloh Wickliffe was walking around the Cleveland High campus last fall, everyone knew he could be a football ringer if he ever went out for the sport. He was the starting second baseman for the baseball team, but football coach Mario Guzman and classmates were well aware he once played football as a freshman at Sierra Canyon.

Wickliffe had shoulder surgery last November, so he had pretty much closed the football chapter in his life — until he was rehabbing and started looking at his “old clips.”

“I kind of missed it,” he said. “And all my friends are telling me, ‘Come out and join the football team.’”

Cleveland’s football season had already started when Wickliffe, a junior, decided to ask Guzman if he could join the team. It’s rare when a varsity coach decides to add a player in the middle of a season. Guzman agreed to make an exception because he felt Wickliffe’s positive attitude and team-oriented philosophy would fit his team’s culture.

Wickliffe did his mandatory 10 days of practice and made his debut in the third game against Castaic. By the 10th game, he had become a key Cleveland player because of a season-ending injury to standout running back Moyo Odebunmi.

He’s had games of 121 yards rushing and four touchdowns against Taft; 80 yards rushing and one touchdown against Chatsworth; five receptions for 62 yards against Crenshaw. He also had a 94-yard touchdown nullified against the Cougars.

“It’s a blessing,” Guzman said. “We thought he’d just play baseball.”

Cleveland is 10-0 for the first time in school history going into its City Section Open Division playoff opener on Friday night at home in a rematch against Crenshaw.

At 5 feet 8 and 165 pounds, Wickliffe still considers himself a baseball player first but has gotten into football shape and looks ready to be an important contributor in the playoffs.

“I have not played for more than a year,” he said. “I was definitely nervous coming out because I thought I wouldn’t be the same, but I kind of always believed in what I had.”

The first practice back was an opportunity to regain his bearings.

“The coach had set up a specific hitting drill for me to like get my feet wet,” he said. “And once they hit me, it kind of woke me up what I’m coming back into.”

The muscle memory and instincts have returned. He started out as a receiver, but now the Cavaliers need him to use his speed at running back.

“Their scheme is pretty good,” he said. “We just have to have discipline and do what our coaches taught us and that’s what leads us to the promised land.”

He’s going back to baseball when football is completed. He batted .302 last season in 16 games while not at full strength after surgery, so beware come February.

Wickliffe has become Cleveland’s version of the Rams’ Aaron Donald as far as deciding to return to the football field at the last minute and test himself.

“I found my love for football again,” he said.

As the threat of renewed war grows, Washington is expanding efforts to choke Tehran’s military supply networks, including through Task Force Iron Gate – a unit targeting land routes and the Caspian Sea.

With it, the US military ⁠⁠⁠⁠is trying to prevent Iran from using ground routes to transport advanced weapons and other materials, the United States Central Command (CENTCOM) announced on Saturday.

The same day, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) announced ambitious plans for underground complexes capable of sustaining missile and drone production under bombardment. That announcement came amid reports of ongoing construction near Iranian missile bases, based on satellite imagery and previous claims by Tehran that US strikes failed to destroy its underground facilities.

Here’s what we know about the US task force:

What is the purpose of the task force?

Task Force Iron Gate will aim to find out where “weapons systems are coming in, how they could potentially be cut off” and how “Iran is transporting its energy”, Michael Mulroy, a former US deputy assistant defence secretary for the Middle East, told Al Jazeera.

It expands on the US blockade of Iranian ports to cover Iran’s land borders and the Caspian Sea and will reportedly be run by 20 civilian and military personnel.

Iran shares borders with seven countries – Afghanistan, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Iraq, Pakistan Turkiye and Turkmenistan.

Based in Tampa, Florida, the unit will coordinate with other US government agencies “on preventing the movement of advanced weapons systems, dual-use technologies, sanctioned materials and illegal revenue streams across Iran’s land borders and the Caspian Sea”, CENTCOM said. Task Force Iron Gate will reinforce “the success of our ironclad blockade against Iran at sea”, CENTCOM Commander Admiral Brad Cooper said.

If US President Donald Trump ramps up the war, there will likely be attacks on this “series of targets”, said Mulroy.

“Unlike Operation Epic Fury, which primarily (focused) on military targets, I think these targets will be focused on economic and infrastructure targets, as part of this comprehensive plan to cut the regime off from its ability to fight and ability to fund itself,” Mulroy said. “It’s primarily a coordination body that’s looking for how the US can increase its economic strangulation strategy by going after the ground routes as they’ve already covered a majority of the maritime routes.”

The IRGC dismissed the US military plan as “just a play on words”.

“The Americans cannot achieve their goal through this, which is to apply severe economic pressure to collapse and disintegrate the Iranian economy,” said IRGC spokesman Sardar Mohebi, as reported by the Fars news agency.

Washington previously “claimed that Iran will suffer an economic collapse within two weeks, but we witnessed that this did not happen”, he added.

Is the task force a response to reports of Russia-Iran weapons ties?

While CENTCOM’s announcement did not explicitly identify Iran’s weapons trade with Russia, analysts say the unit could be seen as an attempt to disrupt supply networks that include Russian connections.

US media have reported that Russia has sent drone components and explosives to Iran via the Caspian Sea. There are also claims that Russian technology could be helping Iran develop advanced supersonic cruise missiles.

Mahjoob Zweiri, a professor of contemporary history and politics at Qatar University, told Al Jazeera that reports of military equipment imported via Russia are a “real concern” for the United States.

The task force therefore could “cause a confrontation with Russia”, he said.

Rami Khouri, a public policy fellow at the American University of Beirut and a non-resident senior fellow at the Arab Center in Washington, said of the new unit: “The US really doesn’t quite know what to do about Iran as we’ve seen, and it’s doing things off the cuff” – a strategy that has led to little success.

Can the US really choke off Iran’s supply lines?

Khouri pointed to Iran’s history as a trading nation for thousands of years as evidence that the US mission is near impossible.

“There’s an enormous web of contacts that Iran has had for thousands of years with traders and partners and allies all over the region, especially in Asia –  it’s virtually impossible for the US to seal off every one,” he said.

While the US can impose a blockade or sanctions on Iran, it cannot control the behaviour of everyone from the Russians, to the Chinese, to the Emiratis and beyond, said the analyst.

“There are people all over the region who have links with Iran, some very close, some just commercial,” he said.

A lot of the materials that go into Iran’s weapons systems are bought from some other countries, – some even from the US or Europeans – and then they are channelled through companies in Asia, Khouri added.

Could this change the course of the war?

Former Trump aide and top counterterrorism official Joe Kent, who resigned in March due to the US’s war on Iran, said the new task force is an attempt by CENTCOM to subvert ongoing diplomatic efforts.

“This is CENTCOM inviting Iran to escalate while the vice president is attempting to negotiate with the Iranians,” Kent posted on X. “This is, as CENTCOM calls it, ‘policy by CONOP’, when the military finds a way to subvert the White House without blatantly disobeying the President, by taking actions that will ensure a war escalates or perpetuates.”

According to The Wall Street Journal, CENTCOM chief Cooper is among the many officials, alongside Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth, pressing Trump to renew attacks on Iran.

The task force may also just be symbolic because the US has no military presence on the Caspian Sea, said Zweiri.

“America has no access to the sea, unless some of the neighbouring countries like Azerbaijan or Armenia or others collaborate [with them] … And they’re not collaborating on this because they don’t want to upset Russia,” he said. “It will require … troops on the ground, and this is unlikely to happen.”

Zweiri also said that the Caspian Sea’s contribution to Iran’s economy is just 11 percent, so the task force’s actions won’t have much negative impact on Tehran.

Al Jazeera could not independently verify this figure but the Caspian Sea accounts for only a fraction of Iran’s overall maritime trade, according to the Soufan Center based in New York City.

For Samoa, a second successive World Cup ends in defeat by Australia, after being beaten 30-10 in the final four years ago.

The two nations have met six times, with Australia winning all six.

But this one hurt more. Samoa clearly felt they could win, as their ultra-aggressive Siva Tau war dance pre-match proved – getting right in the Australian faces, even forehead to forehead in some cases.

But they were aggrieved by some debatable refereeing decisions, including two disallowed tries – Crichton in the first half, then Hamiso Tabuai-Fidow denied with 10 minutes to go after contact between Manuleleua and Liam Martin was deemed illegal.

It bubbled over shortly before the break, when Spencer Leniu was sin-binned for dissent by Australian referee Adam Gee.

“You guys saw the game. You report on it,” was Samoa coach Ben Gardiner’s terse response to questions about the decisions.

On whether his side cost themselves with a lack of discipline, he said: “I’m not quite sure.

“On the back of some of the penalties that were given, we just didn’t react very well. There was one thing into another and then a try. It made it difficult to be able to fight back from that.

“And then to be down by 18 points, 20 points at half-time, to chase back from that… I thought we did well in the second half to fight back.

“But then again, we scored a try and gave up another one straight away. We bounced off too many tackles in that early period, missed too many tackles in the game in general.

“That had nothing to do with the emotion. That’s a Test match, that’s what you do. It’s physical, there’s push and shove, stand your ground.”

ROB Kardashian is ready to tell all about his struggles during his decade out of the spotlight, The U.S. Sun has learned.

But, Rob’s famous momager Kris Jenner isn’t exactly on board with his plans, a source claimed.

The source claimed the father of Dream, nearly 10, “expressed an interest” in producing her own documentary or series about his mostly private life.

“Through a friend of a friend, he set up a chat and a studio meeting,” the source explained, adding that he only told Kris, 71, and sister Kim, 46, about his chat after the fact.

“Kris blew up when she heard about it.”

Rob, 39, has recently resurfaced from his nearly decade-long retreat from the public eye.

HE’S BACK!

Rob Kardashian quietly makes legal moves for comeback years after quitting show

As The U.S. Sun reported, a slimmed-down Rob made a very rare appearance at Kim’s big birthday bash in Beverly Hills last month.

And in recent months, Rob filed trademark documents indicating he plans to endorse and promote various products.

“Kris has lined up many career relaunch plans for him, getting him to do a few appearances on the shows to bank cash and start getting back out there, and setting up chats with business advisers to relaunch some of his brands,” the source said.

Rob shuttered his hot sauce and clothing lines in 2024, The U.S. Sun reported at the time.

He recently dropped over $21 million on a Hidden Hills mansion after his mom put his former home on the market, perhaps indicating he plans to get together with his family members nearby.

The single dad is also once again close to his baby mama, Blac Chyna, after their very messy split nearly ten years ago.

“Despite years of fighting, public showdowns, and custody battles, these two have both mellowed out so much over the years and are now back on friendly terms co-parenting,” a source told The Sun last year.

Rob famously coped with weight issues, mental health struggles and other physical health problems for years as his sisters thrived in the public eye.

Another diverse earnings week is ahead, with results spanning AI infrastructure, semiconductors, space technology, energy, fintech, healthcare, and speculative growth stocks. The lineup offers investors a broad look at where capital is flowing, how demand is evolving, and which emerging technologies are beginning to translate into commercial growth.

WASHINGTON — Republicans aren’t holding back.

Florida Gov. Ron DeSantis described last week’s elections as an “extinction-level event” for the GOP. Sen. Ted Cruz of Texas likened it to a “Watergate-level repudiation.” Former Vice President Mike Pence called it a “reckoning.”

For all the apocalyptic talk emerging from a midterm that relegated Republicans to their thinnest ranks on Capitol Hill in decades, there’s little agreement on how the party should move forward.

A return to the bedrock fiscal and national security conservatism that defined Republicans under President Reagan risks alienating the more hard-line conservatives welcomed into the party under President Trump under the “Make America Great Again” banner.

But leaning even further into Trump’s coarse brand of politics could lead to more voter rejection.

“We have soul-searching to do,” Alex Latcham, the executive director of the Senate Leadership Fund, which spent $810 million to support Republicans, said in an interview. “We need to first understand and honestly admit why we just endured a wipeout of this magnitude. And then we have to regroup and agree to a path forward.”

Questions about Trump’s future role

As has been the case for the last decade, the central question is the role Trump will play in shaping the party’s future. His insistence on loyalty reached a zenith this year as he intervened in GOP primaries and pressed voters to make the elections a referendum on his second term. He held dozens of rallies in the final weeks of the campaign for candidates, most of whom lost their races.

Since Tuesday’s election, he’s refused to acknowledge any responsibility, placing blame on the candidates. His public events have focused on his pet projects in Washington, which have proved unpopular with voters. On Friday, he elevated Stephen Miller, the advisor behind some of his most contentious policies, to White House chief of staff.

In an interview, Oklahoma Gov. Kevin Stitt, a Republican, said that the election results were “shocking” but that Trump could still steer the conversation around issues such as immigration. The governor described the GOP’s current dynamic as a natural process for a party whose leader is deep into his second term.

“It just tells you that the American people, after 10 years, they’re pretty much tired of whoever’s in office,” Stitt said. “I think people want a little more stability. They want people to be nice to people, to say, ‘Hey, we’re all Americans.’”

Others were more blunt.

Longtime conservative commentator Tucker Carlson — for many years a Trump acolyte — said the midterms marked “the end of the Trump era.” John Sununu, a Republican who lost his bid for a Senate seat in New Hampshire, blamed Trump.

“It seems like he or his family is in on every transaction and deal that goes on in Washington,” Sununu told John Kasich, a Republican former governor of Ohio and onetime presidential candidate, on SiriusXM. “Those two things, I think, caused people to say, ‘You know, I just can’t vote for a Republican while he’s still in office.’”

Republican infighting likely to intensify

The GOP infighting is poised to intensify quickly.

When Republicans return to Capitol Hill this week, they’ll have to choose between Reps. Steve Scalise of Louisiana and Jim Jordan of Ohio to lead the new minority in the House. They may weigh whether to impeach Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth. There could also be tough votes on defense spending and keeping the federal government open after Dec. 11.

Already a leadership fight is brewing at the Republican National Committee, where there are early conversations about limiting Trump’s influence in picking the next chair. KC Crosbie, the co-chair, circulated a letter last week calling the midterms a “serious setback” and announcing plans to run for chair at the committee’s January meeting in Arizona.

Trump announced his support Friday for the party’s current chair, Joe Gruters.

That’s to say nothing of the emerging contest for the 2028 Republican presidential nomination. Vice President JD Vance, seen as a leading contender, will probably face a broad range of opponents if he enters the race. Stitt is among the Republicans calling for a “big open primary.”

“I don’t think we should crown anybody,” he said.

There will be pressure to revive the coalition of voters, particularly Latinos, who have lifted the party to success in previous elections but swung to Democrats on Tuesday. Former Rep. Carlos Curbelo (R-Fla.) said he thought Secretary of State Marco Rubio is best positioned to win back Latinos.

“The two main constituencies that Republicans have to quickly regain are white suburban voters and Hispanic voters,” Curbelo said in an interview. “Vance was out on the campaign trail this year, and it doesn’t appear that he was able to move the needle in terms of Hispanic voters.”

A representative for Vance didn’t comment on that characterization.

Broad election fallout

Still, the fallout for the GOP is broad, according to the AP Voter Poll, an expansive survey of about 80,000 voters in all 50 states.

Younger Republican voters who supported the Republican candidate in their House race were less likely to approve of the way Trump is handling his job as president, and more likely to say he worsened the economy with his policies.

About two-thirds of Republican voters under 30 said they approved of how Trump was handling the presidency, compared with about 9 in 10 Republican voters age 65 and older. About one-third of younger GOP voters said Trump had worsened the country’s economic conditions, compared with about 2 in 10 older Republican voters.

The war with Iran also appeared to divide Republican voters, with about 6 in 10 Republican voters under 45 saying the U.S. made the right decision in taking military action against Iran. That rose to about 8 in 10 among Republican voters who were 45 and older.

Young Republican voters were more likely to say U.S. support for Israel was “too strong.” Roughly half of Republican voters under 30 said the country’s backing of Israel was “too strong,” compared with about 1 in 10 voters 65 and older.

Despite rosy outlooks from top Republicans including Trump and House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-La.) in the final weeks of the campaign, Republican strategists had long seen the country’s confidence in the party unraveling.

In late August, the Senate Leadership Fund convened a donor retreat in Laguna Beach, where Latcham told the group that Republicans had lost the confidence of voters on handling the cost of living and the economy, according to two Republican Senate campaign sources who attended the event. They spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss a private meeting.

In defeat, Republicans are trying to take a broader view, knowing that it may take several election cycles before they one day return to power.

Rep. Christopher Smith was reelected to his 24th term last week and will soon be New Jersey’s only Republican in Congress. He took a long view on the party’s current struggles.

“The pendulum swings back and forth,” he told reporters. “These are cycles.”

Sloan and Beaumont write for the Associated Press. AP writers Steve Peoples, Kevin Freking and Linley Sanders contributed to this report.

Abu Dhabi Championship final-round leaderboard

-23 J Rahm (Spa); –21 T Hatton (Eng); -19 R McIlroy (NI); -17 F Laporta (Ita); -16 B Wiesberger (Aut), A Ayora (Spa), D Puig (Spa); -15 J Schaper (SA)

Selected others: -14 N Kimsey (Eng), M Jordan (Eng); -13 S Bairstow (Eng), T Fleetwood (Eng), A Sullivan (Eng); -12 E Ferguson (Sco); -11 E Chacarra (Spa); -10 A Rai (Eng); -9 M Wallace (Eng); -4 P Reed (US)

Full leaderboard

Jon Rahm fired a final-round 67 to clinch a two-shot victory over England’s Tyrrell Hatton at the Abu Dhabi Championship.

It was a first victory for the two-time major winner since he announced his departure from LIV Golf, and a first win at a DP World Tour event in four years.

The Spaniard, in his first tournament since the birth of his fourth child last month, produced six birdies with just one dropped shot on Sunday to finish clear of Hatton with Northern Ireland’s Rory McIlroy another two strokes further back.

“It means a lot. It’s been quite a while to play well in the DP World Tour,” Rahm told Sky Sports.

“Except a shot on 17, as far as I’m concerned, I played a pretty flawless back nine. It was really solid, never in danger of making a bogey except that one hole.

“After everything that has gone on, some poor play and some battles mentally with a lot of noise, to come back out after a bit of a break and a new addition to the family, it’s pretty special.”

Having finished at the very bottom of the leaderboard at the BMW PGA Championship at Wentworth in his last appearance, Rahm joked that going “last to first” was especially pleasing.

For McIlroy, his third-placed finish was enough to ensure he goes into next week’s season-finale at the DP World Tour Championship sitting second in the Race To Dubai standings as he seeks a record-equalling eighth win.

The 37-year-old, who was given a two-shot penalty in his first round, leapfrogged American Patrick Reed and now trails only Spain’s Eugenio Chacarra in his bid to match Colin Montgomerie’s eight season-long titles.

Despite starting the week outside the top 50, Rahm’s victory ensured he remained in the hunt too should he be able to go back-to-back in Dubai.

About 850,000 people lose power after Russian attacks on energy infrastructure in Ukraine’s Dnipropetrovsk and Kharkiv.

More than 600,000 people in Ukraine’s eastern Dnipropetrovsk region are without electricity after a Russian overnight attack on an energy facility, a Ukrainian energy provider has said.

Residents across the Pavlohrad, Samarivskyi, Kamianske and Dnipro districts, as well as the city of Dnipro, faced electricity outages on Sunday, power company DTEK wrote in a Telegram post.

Engineers were at the scene attempting to restore the damaged facility, but “repairs are being complicated by repeated attacks”, DTEK said.

Ukraine is bracing for yet another harsh winter of war as Russia ramps up daily aerial attacks, raining down drones and missiles on the power network.

Another 250,000 Ukrainians were left without power in the Kharkiv region in northeastern Ukraine on Sunday after Russia struck an infrastructure facility there.

“No casualties have been reported, ” said Mykola Baksheyev, mayor of Zlatopil city, on Telegram.

“Power engineers are currently working to repair the damage; however, the exact timeframe for restoring the electricity supply remains unknown.”

The attacks came a day after Ukraine’s Ministry of Energy said a massive attack on energy facilities had plunged residents in five regions into darkness and significantly hampered electricity transmission in Kyiv.

President Volodymyr Zelenskyy has accused Russia of intensifying attacks to put pressure on Kyiv at United States-brokered trilateral talks in Abu Dhabi, United Arab Emirates, scheduled for Tuesday and Wednesday.

Russia’s Ministry of Defence stated on its Telegram channel that its forces will “continue to carry out strikes against Ukrainian fuel and energy infrastructure facilities” that they say are used to aid the Ukrainian military.

Disagreements between the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK) over the formation of a new government have led to the threat of two rival administrations emerging in the Kurdish region of northern Iraq, analysts say.

The dispute between the two dominant political forces in the semiautonomous Kurdistan Regional Government, which traditionally has operated under a power-sharing agreement, escalated after a parliamentary session was held last week in Erbil without the PUK’s participation.

PUK leader Bafel Talabani responded by withdrawing his party from the government, and a threat is growing that a rival administration could be formed in the party’s Sulaimaniyah base.

Independent Kurdish politician Yasin Aziz said the latest developments have deepened the historical divisions between the KDP and PUK.

“I believe the spectre of two administrations in Kurdistan is now very close, and the outlines of such a scenario are becoming clear. … The events have been painful and rapid. The differences between the two parties were significant and have now led to a breakdown in relations,” Aziz told Al Jazeera.

“There had been hopes that the two sides would reach an agreement, but activating parliament without the PUK deepened the divisions between the KDP and PUK.”

The KDP, which is led by Massoud Barzani, is the biggest party in the region, and its strongholds are in Erbil and Dohuk.

Two powers

Since the first Gulf War in 1990 and 1991 and the establishment of a US-led “no-fly zone” in northern Iraq, Iraq’s Kurds have largely governed themselves, separate from the national government in Baghdad.

The Iraqi Constitution enacted after the 2003 US-led invasion of Iraq recognised the northern Kurdish region as a federal entity with its own legislative, executive and judicial powers.

There is a historical precedent for the possible separation of powers in this region between two rival authorities. When a conflict erupted between elements of the KDP and PUK in the 1990s, the two parties formed separate local governments in Erbil and Sulaimaniyah, respectively.

While there have been no recent violent flare-ups between the two parties, political distrust remains deep.

During the sixth parliamentary elections in the region on October 20, 2024, the KDP won 39 seats and the PUK 23. This left a 16-seat gap between the two parties.

But the KDP’s ability to form a new government was still dependent on reaching an agreement with the PUK and other parties, such as the New Generation Movement, which secured 15 seats in the last election.

The PUK has so far refused to collaborate, so after a two-year wait, the KDP reactivated the regional parliament on Wednesday without its rivals.

Divisions but no conflict

Although the rivalry between the two parties is longstanding, Aziz argued that the current crisis is more serious and deeply rooted than previous political disputes.

“Given the political stubbornness of both parties, I do not expect an agreement or understanding to be reached soon,” he said. “Both sides must make concessions to each other. The party willing to make greater concessions will demonstrate greater concern for the Kurdistan region.”

Aziz was clear in laying blame for the deepening divide.

“The responsibility for deepening this conflict lies with the leaderships of Kurdistan’s two main parties,” he said. “Their failure to recognise the risks posed by continuing these disputes is one of the reasons we have reached this point.”

Subhi Mandalawi, a member of the KDP, blamed the current impasse on the refusal of the PUK to form a new government with the KDP.

“Following the Kurdistan parliamentary elections, the PUK delayed the formation of the new government. They were counting on the KDP being unable to secure the legal quorum needed to convene a parliamentary session,” Mandalawi told Al Jazeera. “But we held a parliamentary session without the PUK in 2018 as well, and they subsequently joined the government and parliament.”

Mandalawi insisted that the door remains open for the PUK and other political parties but warned that prolonged divisions would lead to deeper problems for the Kurdish region.

“Continuing to obstruct legislative institutions two years after the elections is unacceptable and harms the Kurdistan region domestically, regionally and internationally,” he said.

“Threatening to divide the Kurdistan region is a hasty, ill-considered and unrealistic decision. No party leader can take such a step, and the PUK would be the biggest loser if it went ahead with it.”

Despite the differences, there is little risk of a return to conflict between the two parties. “We are brothers, and there can be no fighting among us,” Mandalawi said.

Separation threats

Mahmood Khoshnaw, a senior PUK official, said the KDP’s decision to convene parliament without his party has worsened political tensions in the region.

“Activating parliament without the PUK represents a departure from the principle of partnership and from political realities, and there will be consequences. If a prime minister is appointed in Erbil, we will take the same step in Sulaimaniyah. Whatever the KDP does, we will do the same in Sulaimaniyah,” Khoshnaw warned.

“The situation in the Kurdistan region is heading towards chaos unless the crisis is addressed rationally and realistically. Activating parliament without reaching an understanding with the PUK has had a negative impact on relations between the two parties.”

Despite this, there are questions about whether Sulaimaniyah could legally separate from the Kurdish regional government.

Ramadan Albadran, an independent political analyst and constitutional affairs expert, said the dispute is not a constitutional issue about the KDP’s convening of parliament but a deep political crisis with the potential to create security repercussions for the region.

The Iraqi constitution also provides no mechanism for dividing the region into zones of influence between the KDP and PUK.

“If the PUK moves to separate Sulaimaniyah from the Kurdistan region, that would not be a legal or constitutional act,” Albadran said.

“If it takes place without a mandate from the elected Kurdistan Regional Government, it would be closer to an act of rebellion since there is no legal provision permitting withdrawal from or the dismantling of a region in this manner.”

ROBBIE WILLIAMS has come under fire after he ‘threw shade’ at popstar Olivia Rodrigo. 

The singer, 52, received backlash from fans who branded him as ‘pathetic’, following the online buzz from his hit track being compared to her new Christmas song.

Olivia, 23, sent fans into a frenzy after releasing a brand new Christmas track titled Take Me Home 4 Christmas.

The single was written by the star herself and is her first holiday song ever.

Alongside it she posted a music video inspired by The Family Stone featuring Cynthia Nixon and Ben Marshall. 

The track has been a big hit with fans with the video sitting at over three million views online. 

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But some listeners have now compared the song to the hit Robbie Williams single Candy. 

There have been many videos uploaded of the tracks overlapping to what some people think are similar notes and melodies. 

The videos caught the attention of Robbie himself who has taken to X to have his say on the discourse. 

In a post he simply wrote: “Happy Christmas @oliviarodrigo x”

Fans rushed to the comments convinced the Angels hitmaker was throwing shade at Olivia. 

One user commented: “You’re grown a** man shading a 23yo on twitter, aren’t you pathetic.”

Another added: “No shade because I love candy, but I doubt Olivia has ever even heard it?”

“You didn’t have to step so low. Shading a 23 years old girl is embarrassing as hell,” penned a third. 

Others agreed that the song was in fact copied, with one fan commenting: “Could be a great Christmas for you Rob, get those copyright lawyers on speed dial! 

“I love you @robbiewilliams !! Ask for sampling rights,” said another.

“How’s this shade ? am I missing something,”replied a third.