Fannie Mae

Donor, now a regulator, leads effort to accuse Trump foes of fraud

Behind a White House effort to saddle President Trump’s political foes with accusations of mortgage fraud is a 37-year-old home construction executive with a deep partisan past.

Bill Pulte, a Florida native, rose in Trump’s orbit toward the end of his first term. After courting Trump for years on social media and through generous donations, he now runs the Federal Housing Finance Agency — a perch that has allowed him to target prominent figures who have crossed the president.

In the last five months, Pulte has referred three claims of mortgage fraud against Trump’s foes to the Justice Department, leveled against Letitia James, the attorney general of New York; Adam Schiff, the Democratic senator from California; and this week, Lisa Cook, a governor on the board of the Federal Reserve.

Each has denied wrongdoing. Trump announced on Monday night that he was moving to fire Cook.

It is an unusual role for a director of the FHFA, which regulates Fannie Mae — the nation’s largest company by assets — and Freddie Mac. The two mortgage financing organizations, which support nearly half of the U.S. residential mortgage market, were taken over by the FHFA during the 2008 economic crisis.

The grandson of one of Michigan’s wealthiest and most prolific homebuilders, Pulte made a name for himself on Twitter in 2019 with public cash giveaways to individuals in need. He dubbed himself the “inventor of Twitter philanthropy,” vowing to give two cars away in exchange for a Trump retweet that year, which he received. He subsequently built a following of over 3 million.

Records show Pulte donated substantially to Trump, the Republican National Committee and related super PACs leading up to the 2024 election.

Pulte’s letters to Atty. Gen. Pam Bondi have been tightly and cautiously written. But his social media posts, celebrating the targeted attacks, have not.

“Trump becomes the first president ever to remove a sitting Federal Reserve governor,” he wrote on X, between retweets of right-wing commentators praising the move. “Mortgage fraud can carry up to 30 years in prison.”

In another post on X, quoting a CNN headline, Pulte wrote that Trump’s firing of Cook was “escalating his battle against the central bank” — seeming to acknowledge that targeting Cook was motivated by Trump’s ongoing grievances with Fed leadership.

Cook’s firing is legally dubious, and her attorney, Abbe Lowell, said in a statement that Cook plans on suing the administration while continuing to perform her duties for the Fed. Lowell also represents James in her defense against the Justice Department case.

While the Supreme Court ruled in May that Trump may fire individuals from independent federal agencies, the justices singled out the Fed as an exception, calling it a “uniquely structured, quasi-private entity.” The Federal Reserve Act of 1913 states that the president may fire a member of its leadership only “for cause.”

But cause has not been definitively established to fire Cook, with Pulte writing in his letter to Bondi that the Fed governor had only “potentially” committed mortgage fraud, accusing her of falsifying bank documents and property records to acquire more favorable loan terms.

Pulte has accused Cook of listing two homes — in Ann Arbor, Mich., and in Atlanta — as her primary addresses within two weeks of purchasing them through financing. Cook said she would “take any questions about my financial history seriously” and was “gathering the accurate information to answer any legitimate questions and provide the facts.”

Pulte’s other accusations, against James and Schiff, have been similarly superficial, publicly accusing individuals of potential criminality before a full, independent investigation can take place.

And whether those investigations will be impartial is far from clear. Earlier this month, Bondi appointed Ed Martin, a conspiracy theorist who supported the “Stop the Steal” movement after Joe Biden’s election victory over Trump in 2020, as a special prosecutor to investigate the James and Schiff cases.

Pulte accused James — who successfully accused Trump of financial fraud in a civil suit last year — of falsifying bank statements and property records to secure more favorable loan terms for homes in Virginia and New York. He made similar claims weeks later about Schiff, who maintains residences in California and the suburbs of Washington, D.C.

Schiff, who led a House impeachment of Trump during the president’s first term and has remained one of his most vocal and forceful political adversaries since joining the Senate, dismissed the president’s claims as a “baseless attempt at political retribution.”

A spokesperson for Schiff said he has always been transparent about owning two homes, in part to be able to raise his children near him in Washington, and has always followed the law — and advice from House counsel — in arranging his mortgages.

In making his claims, Trump cited an investigation by the Fannie Mae “Financial Crimes Division” as his source.

A memorandum reviewed by The Times from Fannie Mae investigators to Pulte does not accuse Schiff of mortgage fraud. It noted that investigators had been asked by the FHFA inspector general’s office for loan files and “any related investigative or quality control documentation” for Schiff’s homes.

Investigators said they found that Schiff at various points identified both his home in Potomac, Md., and a Burbank unit he also owns as his primary residence. As a result, they concluded that Schiff and his wife, Eve, “engaged in a sustained pattern of possible occupancy misrepresentation” on their home loans between 2009 and 2020.

The investigators did not say they had concluded that a crime had been committed, nor did they mention the word “fraud” in the memo.

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Reports: Trump considers stock IPO for Fannie Mae, Freddie Mac

Aug. 9 (UPI) — President Donald Trump reportedly wants the U.S. government to sell Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac stock in a quest to move the mortgage finance companies from full federal control.

The initial public offering, which would be possible the largest in history, was first reported by The Wall Street Journal and later confirmed by CNN and The New York Times.

The outlets reported that the plans have not been finalized for Fannie Mae, which is short for Federal National Mortgage Association, and was created in 1938 as part of President Frank Roosevelt’s New Deal. Freddie Mac, which stands for Federal Home Loan Mortgage Corp., began in 1970 to further expand the secondary mortgage market.

An IPO of up to 15% of Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac could raise $30 billion, according to the media outlets.

The New York Times reported that Trump met with executives from the nation’s largest banks — Jamie Dimon of JPMorgan, David Solomon of Goldman Sachs, Brian Moynihan of Bank of America and Jane Fraser of Citigroup. He asked them to come up with a way to sell shares on the stock market. The companies represent a big portion of the $12 trillion mortgage market.

Wall Street investors also met with Treasury officials, the New York Times reported.

Trump has wanted to privatize the companies since his first term in the White House.

“I am giving very serious consideration to bringing Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac public. …. Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac are doing very well, throwing off a lot of CASH, and the time would seem to be right,” he posted on Truth Social on May 22.

Federal Housing Finance Agency, which currently controls the two companies, has been headed since March by Bill Pulte, the grandson of the founder of PulteGroup, a residential and home construction company. He, too, has favored selling stock in the companies, but has said they should remain under the federal conservatorship.

With interest rates relatively high, CNN reported that some analysts fear the privatization would hurt the mortgage market. This could make it even more expensive to borrow money to buy a new home with high sale prices.

In 2024, Mark Zandi, the chief economist at Moody’s Analytics, estimated privatization would boost the average mortgage by an extra $1,800 to $2,800 each year.

Before the 2008 Great Recession, the companies were private and only backed by the U.S. Treasury, but were placed under what was planned as a temporary government conservatorship.

The market crash was caused as relaxed lending standards fueled banks giving subprime loans to people with poor credit who should not have qualified, and required a $187 billion government bailout to prevent lenders from filing for bankruptcy and a potential crash of the economy.

Fannie and Freddie buy mortgages from lenders and repackage them for investors in a way to keep mortgages more affordable, in addition to guaranteeing bond investors that they will help out if too many borrowers default.

The role has kept mortgage rates relatively low and stabilized the 30-year fixed mortgage, the national rate for which currently stands at around 6.58%.

Jaret Seiberg, a financial services and housing policy analyst at TD Cowen Financial, told CNN in May that the spinoff might not happen until late 2026 or early 2027.

The Treasury Department holds about 80% of the common stock and also has senior preferred shares. Investors Bill Ackman and John Paulson, who endorsed Trump for president, bought shares several years ago with the hope the government would sell stock, according to the Journal and the Times.

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Contributor: A Trump deregulator may set us up for a sequel to the 2008 crisis

The movie “The Big Short” — dramatizing the reckless behavior in the banking and mortgage industries that contributed to the 2008 financial crisis — captures much of Wall Street’s misconduct but overlooks a central player in the collapse: the federal government, specifically through Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac.

These two government-created and government-sponsored enterprises encouraged lenders to issue risky home loans by effectively making taxpayers co-sign the mortgages. This setup incentivized dangerous lending practices that inflated the housing bubble, eventually leading to catastrophic economic consequences.

Another critical but overlooked factor in the collapse was the Community Reinvestment Act. This federal law was intended to combat discriminatory lending practices but instead created substantial market distortions by pressuring banks to extend loans to borrowers who might otherwise have been deemed too risky. Under threat of regulatory penalties, banks significantly loosened lending standards — again, inflating the housing bubble.

After the bubble inevitably burst, Fannie and Freddie were placed under conservatorship by the Federal Housing Finance Agency. The conservatorship imposed rules aimed at preventing future taxpayer-funded bailouts and protecting the economy from government-fueled market distortions.

Now, President Trump’s appointee to lead that agency, Bill Pulte, is considering ending this conservatorship without addressing the core structural flaw that fueled the problem in the first place: implicit government guarantees backing all Fannie and Freddie mortgages. If Pulte proceeds without implementing real reform, taxpayers on Main Street are once again likely to be exposed to significant financial risks as they are conscripted into subsidizing lucrative deals for Wall Street.

Without genuine reform, the incentives and practices that led to the crisis remain unchanged, setting the stage for a repeat disaster.

Pulte’s proposal isn’t likely to unleash free-market policies. Instead, it could further rig the market in favor of hedge funds holding substantial stakes in Fannie and Freddie, allowing them to profit enormously from the potential upside, while leaving taxpayers to bear all the downside risks.

A meaningful solution requires Fannie and Freddie to significantly strengthen their capital reserves. The two government-sponsored enterprises still remain dangerously undercapitalized. A report from JP Morgan Chase describes it this way: “Despite steady growth in [their net worth], the GSEs remain well below the minimum regulatory capital framework requirements set by the Federal Housing Finance Agency in 2020.” Imposing robust capital requirements similar to those that govern private banks would oblige the two enterprises to internalize their risks, promoting genuine market discipline and accountability.

Further reforms should address transparency and oversight. Enhanced disclosure standards would allow investors, regulators and the public to better assess risks. Additionally, limiting the types of mortgages these entities can guarantee could reduce exposure to the riskiest loans, further protecting taxpayers. Implementing clear rules that prevent Fannie and Freddie from venturing into speculative financial products would also mitigate potential market distortions.

Critically, the federal government must clearly communicate that future bailouts are not an option. Explicitly removing government guarantees would compel Fannie and Freddie to operate responsibly, knowing that reckless behavior will lead to their insolvency, not to another taxpayer rescue. Clear legal separation from government backing is essential to prevent moral hazard.

The combination of government guarantees, regulatory pressure from policies such as the Community Reinvestment Act and inadequate capital standards created the perfect storm for the 2008 financial crisis. Ignoring these lessons and repeating past mistakes would inevitably lead to a similar disaster.

Proponents of prematurely releasing Fannie and Freddie argue that market conditions have changed and risk management has improved. Yet, history repeatedly demonstrates that without structural changes, financial entities — particularly those shielded by government guarantees — inevitably revert to risky behavior when market pressures and profit incentives align. Markets function best when participants bear the full consequences of their decisions, something impossible under the current structure of these government-sponsored enterprises.

Ultimately, the only responsible approach is removing taxpayers from the equation entirely. Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac should participate in the mortgage market only as fully private entities, without any implicit government guarantees.

The American public doesn’t need a sequel to “The Big Short.” The painful lessons of the 2008 crisis are too recent and too severe to be ignored or forgotten. Market discipline, fiscal responsibility and genuine reform — not government-backed risk-taking — must guide our approach going forward. We can only hope that the Trump administration chooses fiscal responsibility over risky experiments that history has already shown end in disaster.

Veronique de Rugy is a senior research fellow at the Mercatus Center at George Mason University. This article was produced in collaboration with Creators Syndicate.

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Fannie Mae joins Palantir to launch AI-run mortgage fraud unit

Financial giant Fannie Mae (corporate headquarters in Washington, D.C., pictured in July 2008) said Wednesday it will launch an AI-powered unit to detect and prevent mortgage fraud in a partnership with AI software company Palantir. File Photo By Alexis C. Glenn/UPI | License Photo

May 28 (UPI) — Financial giant Fannie Mae said Wednesday it will launch its AI-powered unit to detect and prevent mortgage fraud in a partnership with AI software company Palantir.

“By integrating this leading AI technology, we will look across millions of datasets to detect patterns that were previously undetectable,” said Fannie Mae’s president and chief executive officer Priscilla Almodovar.

Fannie Mae, which holds more than $4 trillion in U.S. housing market assets, is the nation’s single largest holder of outstanding residential mortgage debt.

The launch of its new artificial intelligence-powered crime detection unit with Palantir seeks to expand Fannie’s ability to sniff out fraud with “leading” scientific and investigative AI-enabled tech.

The Washington-based Fannie Mae says its new capability will prevent and detect fraudulent activity with a “speed and precision” that, according to the company, has “never before” been seen designed to save millions of dollars in future financial losses to fraud in the U.S. housing market.

“This new partnership will combat mortgage fraud, helping to safeguard the U.S. mortgage market for lenders, homebuyers and taxpayers,” Fannie’s Almodovar continued.

Fannie Mae, which likewise owns or guarantees roughly one in four single-family mortgages and about 20% of America’s multifamily mortgages, says Palantir’s technology will provide “expansive” monitoring for anomalous transactions, activities and other digital behaviors.

According to Fannie officials, it will not only detect suspicious activity but ultimately will “trigger investigative action.”

“No one is above the law,” Fannie Mae Chairman William Pulte said in a statement.

Palantir was one of eight major tech firms to sign on to then-President Joe Biden‘s voluntary commitment in 2023 aimed to ensure AI tech is utilized responsibly.

On Wednesday, its top official said the Fannie Mae partnership will set off “a revolution in how we combat mortgage fraud” in the United States.

“We are bringing the fight directly to anyone who attempts to defraud our mortgage system and exploit hardworking Americans,” says Alex Karp, co-founder and CEO of Palantir Technologies.

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