erasing

Appeals court gives Trump another shot at erasing his hush money conviction

A federal appeals court on Thursday gave new life to President Trump’s bid to erase his hush money conviction, ordering a lower court to reconsider its decision to keep the case in state court instead of moving it to federal court.

A three-judge panel in the 2nd U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals ruled that U.S. District Judge Alvin Hellerstein erred by failing to consider “important issues relevant” to Trump’s request to move the New York case to federal court, where he can seek to have it thrown out on presidential immunity grounds.

But, the appeals court judges said, they “express no view” on how Hellerstein should rule.

Hellerstein, who was nominated by Democratic President Bill Clinton, twice denied Trump’s requests to move the case. The first time was after Trump’s March 2023 indictment; the second followed Trump’s May 2024 conviction and a subsequent U.S. Supreme Court ruling that presidents and former presidents cannot be prosecuted for official acts.

In the later ruling, at issue in Thursday’s decision, Hellerstein said Trump’s lawyers had failed to meet the high burden of proof for changing jurisdiction and that Trump’s conviction for falsifying business records involved his personal life, not official actions that the Supreme Court ruled are immune from prosecution.

Hellerstein’s ruling, which echoed his previous denial, “did not consider whether certain evidence admitted during the state court trial relates to immunized official acts or, if so, whether evidentiary immunity transformed” the hush money case into one that relates to official acts, the appeals court panel said.

The three judges said Hellerstein should closely review evidence that Trump claims relate to official acts.

If Hellerstein finds the prosecution relied on evidence of official acts, the judges said, he should weigh whether Trump can argue those actions were taken as part of his White House duties, whether Trump “diligently sought” to have the case moved to federal court and whether the case can even be moved to federal court now that Trump has been convicted and sentenced in state court.

Ruling came after oral arguments in June

Judges Susan L. Carney, Raymond J. Lohier Jr. and Myrna Pérez made their ruling after hearing arguments in June, when they spent more than an hour grilling Trump’s lawyer and the appellate chief for Manhattan District Attorney Alvin Bragg’s office, which prosecuted the case and wants it to remain in state court.

Carney and Lohier were nominated to the court by Democratic President Barack Obama. Pérez was nominated by Democratic President Joe Biden.

“President Trump continues to win in his fight against Radical Democrat Lawfare,” a spokesperson for Trump’s legal team said in a statement. “The Supreme Court’s historic decision on Immunity, the Federal and New York State Constitutions, and other established legal precedent mandate that the Witch Hunt perpetrated by the Manhattan DA be immediately overturned and dismissed.”

Bragg’s office declined to comment.

Trump was convicted in May 2024 of 34 felony counts of falsifying business records to conceal a hush money payment to adult film actor Stormy Daniels, whose allegations of an affair with Trump threatened to upend his 2016 presidential campaign. Trump denies her claim, said he did nothing wrong and has asked a state appellate court to overturn the conviction.

It was the only one of the Republican’s four criminal cases to go to trial.

Trump team cites Supreme Court ruling on presidential immunity

In trying to move the hush money case to federal court, Trump’s lawyers argued that federal officers, including former presidents, have the right to be tried in federal court for charges arising from “conduct performed while in office.” Part of the criminal case involved checks that Trump wrote while he was president.

Trump’s lawyer, Jeffrey Wall, argued that prosecutors rushed to trial instead of waiting for the Supreme Court’s presidential immunity decision. He also said they erred by showing jurors evidence that should not have been allowed under that ruling, such as former White House staffers describing how Trump reacted to news coverage of the hush money deal and tweets he sent while president in 2018.

“The district attorney holds the keys in his hand,” Wall told the three-judge panel in June. “He doesn’t have to introduce this evidence.”

In addition to reining in prosecutions of ex-presidents for official acts, the Supreme Court’s July 2024 ruling restricted prosecutors from pointing to official acts as evidence that a president’s unofficial actions were illegal.

Wall, a former acting U.S. solicitor general, called the president “a class of one,” telling the judges that “everything about this cries out for federal court.”

Steven Wu, the appellate chief for the district attorney’s office, countered that Trump was too late in seeking to move the case to federal court. Normally, such a request must be made within 30 days of an arraignment. Exceptions can be made if “good cause” is shown.

Hellerstein concluded that Trump hadn’t shown “good cause” to request a move to federal court as such a late stage. But the three-judge panel on Thursday said it “cannot be confident” that the judge “adequately considered issues” relevant to making that decision.

Wall, addressing the delay at oral arguments, said Trump’s team did not immediately seek to move the case to federal court because the defense was trying to resolve the matter by raising the immunity argument with the trial judge, Juan Merchan.

Merchan rejected Trump’s request to throw out the conviction on immunity grounds and sentenced him Jan. 10 to an unconditional discharge, leaving his conviction intact but sparing him any punishment.

Sisak writes for the Associated Press.

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Erasing Assyrians: The Kurdish Nationalist Project

The Assyrians, an indigenous people with over 6,775 years of history and one of the world’s earliest Christian communities, are vanishing from their ancestral homeland. Not in theory. Not in the distant future. Today. Right now as you’re reading this. Assyria is already colonized, fragmented across Iraq, Syria, southeast Turkey, and northwest Iran—their indigenous homeland. And today, the final threads of Assyrian presence in these lands are being pulled apart through calculated policies of exclusion, erasure, and domination.

You’ve never heard of us, but you’ve heard of us. We’re the Iraqi Christians, the Syrian Christians, the Chaldeans, the Syriacs, and the Arameans. We are called everything but our name—Assyrian. A tactic of the dhimmi system, reinforced by the very basic human need to separate ourselves from a group targeted for genocide in order to survive. A Roman methodology of divide and conquer. Even our history is neglected, rewritten, and stolen. And this erasure is echoed by international actors who speak of us.

But our erasure isn’t just on paper. Across Iraq and Syria, Assyrians are being erased through systemic and systematic disenfranchisement, cultural destruction, forced displacement, and demographic engineering. The communities that survived genocide, invasions, and centuries of religious persecution now face a coordinated effort to extinguish their presence altogether. ISIS destroyed countless Assyrian artifacts, but the destruction did not end with them. Our heritage sites continue to be vandalized and destroyed, even used for military exercises by the Kurdish Regional Government (KRG).

In Iraq, Assyrians are treated as foreigners. Political power is monopolized by Kurdish parties in the north and Iranian-backed militias in the center, both of whom install proxies in parliamentary seats legally reserved for Assyrians. Elections are manipulated, and authentic Assyrian voices are suffocated, replaced by those loyal to external agendas.

Before 2003, there were over 1.5 million Assyrians in Iraq. Today, fewer than 300,000 remain. In KRG-controlled areas, losses have exceeded those under ISIS. That is not simply just a statistic; it is a verdict.

Two weeks before ISIS began its invasion of Iraq, the KRG disarmed Assyrian and Yazidi communities, despite being fully aware of the impending threat. The Peshmerga promised protection, only to abandon us without firing a single bullet in our defense from seven posts—the Nineveh Plains, Nineveh Dam, Makhmur, Zumar, Daqooq, Sinjar, and the left side of the Tigris in Mosul. When ISIS stormed through our towns, the Kurdish forces left entire communities to be slaughtered. Long before the Iraqi Army even fled, the Peshmerga had vanished. The Peshmerga, or “those who face death,” only returned once Western forces intervened to confront ISIS, attempting to appear involved and take credit for resistance they never provided. 

Our lands are stolen in broad daylight. Over 94 documented cases of land confiscation remain unresolved despite court rulings favoring Assyrians. Even when judgments are issued, Kurdish authorities do not enforce them. In some cases, false land deeds are fabricated to justify these seizures.

Assyrians who try to defend their lands are beaten, jailed, and paraded on state television, forced to publicly thank the very authorities who arrested them. These spectacles are not reconciliation. They are propaganda staged to legitimize injustice. Land grabs are not rogue incidents; they are part of a system built to erase Assyrian existence. Even the Erbil Airport and the United Nations compound stand on land that was seized from Assyrians without consent or restitution.

In 2023, the KRG officially registered Hawpa, a Kurdish neo-Nazi group whose charter explicitly calls for the extermination of Assyrians. With well over 1,000 members, and potentially more operating in secret, and meetings held with high-level Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) officials, including the Governor of Erbil, Hawpa is not a fringe movement. It is institutionally sanctioned and emboldened.

Education is used as a tool of indoctrination. Assyrian schools are forced to use curricula that glorify Kurdish nationalism and whitewash the histories of mass murderers like Simko Shikak, who orchestrated the 1918 assassination of our patriarch Mar Shimun XIX Benyamin, and Bedr Khan Beg, who brutally massacred thousands of Assyrians. Students are forced to revere those who butchered their ancestors in order to pass.

Despite repeated public claims of religious freedom, religious violations are rampant. In Sulaymaniyah, Christian-owned alcohol shops are bulldozed and replaced with mosques. The KRI now has nearly 6,000 mosques, mostly built after 1992. At the same time, the KRG constructs ornate churches to gain Western favor, using them as facades of religious freedom and tolerance, while the actual Assyrian congregation faces pressure, restrictions, and forced displacement. 

Beyond this, the treatment of Assyrians reveals a brutal reality. Prostitution is aggressively pushed into Ankawa, an Assyrian neighborhood, against our will and in violation of our Christian faith and values. The KDP encourages this, then uses it to frame Christians as morally corrupt, despite the fact that we have never had authority to prevent it.

I was sexually harassed on my multiple trips to Iraq simply for being a woman. One afternoon in Ankawa, a man in a black SUV followed me through the streets with him and his three passengers yelling at me in Kurdish, making obscene sounds and gestures. In the Erbil Citadel, men use crowds to grope Assyrian women. These violations are not isolated incidents. They reflect an environment fostered by those in power, where crimes against indigenous Assyrians are committed with impunity, and where women endure an even greater degree of danger and violation.

The system in power does not protect women. It exploits and erases us. But the assault on Assyrian women extends beyond harassment and prostitution. It is encoded into law.

One of the most devastating effects of this system of erasure is codified in Iraq’s Islamization of Minors law that extends into the KRI and automatically registers children born to a single Muslim parent as Muslim, even in cases of rape and even if the other parent is Christian. During ISIS’s occupation, countless Assyrian girls, some as young as 12, were abducted, raped, and forcibly impregnated by ISIS fighters. These pregnancies were the direct result of sexual violence on sex-trafficked minors. The resulting children are then registered as Muslim solely based on the father’s religion. In the case of ISIS crimes, this means the legal system gives greater weight to the claimed identity of a terrorist rapist than to the survivor of their violence.

This strips agency from survivors and embeds the trauma into the legal system. This law establishes a dangerous precedent that legitimizes the use of rape as a tool of demographic warfare, where sexual violence not only causes lifelong psychological and physical harm but also results in the forced erasure of the Assyrian identity and the severing of ancestral lines. It is a legal continuation of genocide, rewarding rapists with demographic control and denying survivors the right to raise their children in their faith, community, and identity.

This is the type of violence carried out by a regime that parades itself as progressive by appointing females in leadership roles to impress the West while quietly perpetuating a culture that abuses and erases indigenous women. These systems do not protect us; they exploit and erase us.

One of the most telling incidents of unmasked hatred occurred during Akitu, Kha B’Nissan, the Assyrian New Year. This year, a Kurdish man purportedly affiliated with ISIS attacked Assyrians with an axe during the New Year parade while screaming ISIS slogans. An investigation was promised, a scripted apology video from the perpetrator was released, and nothing came of it, except a statement referring to us as “Kurdistanis,” a term that doesn’t define us. It was buried beneath state media broadcasts and a government-orchestrated prayer breakfast to gain Western support for their campaign for statehood.

The Erbil prayer breakfast was a public relations performance. Inside, Western delegates mingled with Kurdish officials and tokenized Christian figures, while outside, Assyrians are suffocated by checkpoints, land seizure, and the flourishing of extremist ideologies.

Too many international actors fund and praise the regimes responsible for Assyrian displacement. They downplay schoolbook glorifications of murderers. They ignore axe attacks. They remain silent as Assyrian lands are illegally seized, yet publicly embrace the very actors engineering our disappearance, praising them as champions of democracy and guardians of Christianity.

In Syria, the Assyrian crisis is even more frightening. We are caught between an extremist Islamist group and the Kurdish-led Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria (AANES). Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) leader Ahmed al-Sharaa has a long and bloody history in extremist militancy and terror networks, including involvement in the killing of Americans. Meanwhile, the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) commander Mazloum Abdi of the Kurdish-led AANES is a former senior member of the U.S.-designated terrorist group PKK, known for recruiting and abducting children into terrorism. Under AANES control, Assyrian schools have been shut down for refusing to adopt a Kurdish nationalist curriculum. When church-run schools resisted, directors were beaten, and journalists detained.

In Beth Zalin (Qamishli), once majority-Assyrian, we are now a minority. With ISIS, the pattern here has been tragically similar to that of Iraq. As the Khabour River swelled and ISIS approached northeastern Syria, Kurdish forces retreated instead of defending them. While Assyrian towns braced for slaughter, Kurdish fighters were busy seizing properties in Qamishli. Multiple members of my family were told directly by high-ranking Kurdish officials that they “will not sacrifice themselves fighting for filthy Christians.” These betrayals were not isolated acts. They were decisions made in the service of ethnic nationalism, not solidarity, pluralism, or shared resistance to extremism.

Over 1,400 homes in the Khabour region remain illegally occupied by AANES-aligned actors. Churches have been militarized with the SDF building trenches over our churches and cemeteries, provoking relentless retaliation from brutal Turkish attacks. 

We do not want war where we worship. We do not want our churches to be turned into battlefields to manufacture the illusion that one regime protects us while another regime attacks us, so our suffering can be manipulated to gain Western support at the expense of our existence. We saw the devastating effects of this with the Mar Sawa Church in Tal Tawil, Khabour, in 2022.

Leaders like David Jendo were kidnapped and assassinated by YPG militants. Others, like Elias Nasser, survived assassination attempts and were violently attacked for speaking out.

Yet, the AANES claims to represent and protect Christians. But genuine Assyrian voices are strangled. Our political parties are delegitimized. International engagement is blocked, and when it does occur, it is centered on figures like al-Sharaa rather than confronting the lived realities Assyrians face under both regimes.

When ISIS came, many Kurdish neighbors joined them. A family member of mine was beaten and sold eight times by different Kurdish ISIS factions. Out of fear, we are often unable to even name our abusers, many of whom now live freely beside us without consequence. The fear of retaliation keeps us silent, while justice remains completely absent. Disturbingly, Associated Press video footage released in 2024 shows the Kurdish-led administration even releasing captured ISIS fighters. Many were freed after their families signed a paper claiming they were reformed. There is no process, no proof, no rehabilitation—just a signature trying to erase atrocity.

Kurdish officials, backed by powerful international backers like America and Israel, are lobbying for a fully recognized “Kurdistan.” A name that quite literally means “land of the Kurds.” Not land at all. Not the land of the indigenous Assyrians. Perhaps these backers are unaware of the realities on the ground, but our situation is growing increasingly dire. The facts are available if one is willing to look beyond the curated narratives and sit with genuine Assyrian leaders. If this is how we are treated now, what happens when that regime becomes a state with no international accountability?

Assyrians are not dying out; we are being pushed out from our homelands. Our children are oppressed. Our leaders are assassinated or suffer sudden and unexplained medical issues that lead to their untimely deaths, raising serious concerns in a system where perpetrators control the means of documentation and medical care. 

Genocide is not just mass killings. It is the destruction of language, the legitimizing of neo-Nazi groups and other extremist ideologies, the erasure of heritage, forced displacement, systemic assimilation, psychological terror, coerced identity erasure, denial of political representation, restriction of religious practice, medical neglect, and the silencing of advocacy. It includes the rape, sexual violence, and trafficking of our young women and girls and the forced Islamization of the children born from that violence. It is preventing the return of displaced people, stripping a population of economic opportunity, flooding their communities with drugs and prostitution to destroy social fabric, manipulating ethnic data on college applications, and enacting policies that deprive them of education free from historical revisionism. Every one of these tools is being weaponized against Assyrians today.

Those who speak out are at risk. Advocates and organizations are harassed, surveilled, and threatened. We are falsely labeled “anti-Kurd” for defending our rights. But we do not hate Kurds. We want to live in peace with our neighbors. Kurds also suffer under this regime, as KRG authorities have repeatedly infringed on the rights to free expression and press freedom through harassment, violent attacks, and arbitrary arrests of journalists.

We want peace and coexistence, but we cannot survive under a system built to erase us. When Assyrians show evidence of violence, we are harassed by Kurdish nationalist accounts, some of which are followed by well-known religious freedom advocates. Interestingly enough, these same advocates block us for speaking the truth.

The world is watching the dismantling of one of earth’s oldest civilizations. A nation that gave the world writing, law, and cities is being written out of its own story.

The Kurdish nationalist project, backed by powerful global actors, is not a project of inclusion; it’s a machine of conquest at all costs. Despite what it claims, it does not tolerate plurality. It was never meant to include us. It has erased us from policy, from education, from security, and from governance. We are the indigenous people of these lands, yet we are erased from the structures that claim authority over them. A state built on our bones cannot coexist with us still breathing.

If the world fails to support a free Assyria through the implementation of Article 125 for a Nineveh Governorate and support self-administration in Hasakeh, Syria, it will mark the final chapter of our existence in our ancestral homeland. Our extinction will not be by natural decline, but by coordinated neglect and the silence of humanity.

Amplify genuine Assyrian voices and support Assyrian organizations. Donate to the Assyrian Aid Society (Iraq) and Ashour Foundation for Relief and Development (Syria).



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