dominance

RENO, Nevada — The history of Mexican boxing features names that transcend generations. From Julio César Chávez, recognized as the pinnacle of Mexican boxing, to legendary figures such as Juan Manuel Márquez, Rubén ‘Púas’ Olivares, Salvador Sánchez, Ricardo ‘Finito’ López and Carlos ‘Cañas’ Zárate — all have proudly carried the name of Mexican flag to the peak of the boxing world.

The tradition of Aztec dominance has been continued in a big way by Saúl “Canelo” Álvarez, who on Oct. 29 will celebrate a historic 20-year professional career that began when he was just 15 years old, when he made his professional debut against Abraham González. Two decades later, with a legacy built on titles and big stages, Álvarez paused to reflect on his development from red-headed teenager who dreamed of being the best in the world to the current king of Mexican boxing with 63 victories.

Canelo Álvarez, left; UFC CEO Dana White, center; and Terence Crawford, right, speak during a news conference at at T-Mobile Arena on June 27.

(David Becker / Getty Images for Netflix)

“I’ve achieved everything in boxing, imagine how satisfying that is for me,” Álvarez told L.A. Times en Español during his training camp in Reno, Nev.

The celebration has already been planned and, like everything else involving Álvarez, it will be private but “on a grand scale.” The magnitude will likely depend on whether he emerges victorious when he defends his four belts against the undefeated Terence Crawford (41-0, 31 KOs) Saturday (6 p.m., Netflix), at Allegiant Stadium in Las Vegas.

“I think I’ve done some really good things in boxing and I’m very proud of that kid who started out with the dream of being the best in the world,” said the 35-year-old from Jalisco.

That kid, as his brother, Ricardo, recalls, was no different from any other teen in Guadalajara, except for an unusual obsession: to succeed in a brutal and demanding sport. His journey began in local gyms, under the tutelage of Chepo Reynoso and his son, Eddy, who saw extraordinary potential. It was there that Canelo Álvarez heard the words that would forever mark his destiny.

Boxer Canelo Álvarez, center, poses alongside his trainers Chepo Reynoso, left, and Eddy Reynoso, right, at MGM Grand in Las Vegas in 2018.

(Ethan Miller / Getty Images)

“‘With the talent you have, you’ll get wherever you want to go,’ is what they always told me, and it stuck in my mind,” Canelo said, recalling his early days with Chepo, his trainer since he was 14 years old.

Two decades later, Canelo says that advice is still the message he would repeat to himself if he could travel back in time. Because those words not only fueled his hunger, they gave him conviction.

“I would just tell that kid what he already knows, that ‘you’re going to get wherever you want to go,’” Canelo said.

Two decades later, that kid not only fulfilled his promise, but exceeded it. He became a champion in multiple divisions, a global icon and, above all, a man who continues to look ahead.

The story of Canelo Álvarez is not just that of a boxer, but of a dream fulfilled through discipline, sacrifice and faith. And yet, as Ricardo often says, “he still has a long way to go.”

Canelo’s journey has not been improvised or meteoric, but rather a project shaped by patience and discipline. Eddy, who has also been Canelo’s trainer since adolescence, recalls constantly learning alongside Canelo.

“In 2000, I started training boxers with my dad — first amateurs and then professionals. We formed a group of kids and teenagers, and that’s where Saúl came from,” Eddy said.

That connection, forged in the gyms of Jalisco, was the beginning of one of the most successful partnerships in boxing history. Eddy was inspired by figures such as Julián Magdaleno and Rafael Mendoza, coaches who instilled in him the ambition to be someone great in the sport.

Canelo Alvarez celebrates with his family after defeating John Ryder at Akron Stadium in 2023 in Zapopan, Mexico.

(Hector Vivas / Getty Images)

“I always imagined myself being someone important in boxing,” Eddy said. “And with Saúl, we’ve achieved that.”

In his two-decade career, Canelo has moved up in weight class, stage and demand. He has done so by facing Miguel Cotto, Floyd Mayweather Jr. and Gennady Golovkin, against whom he fought a memorable trilogy.

Although he suffered his first career defeat in 2013 against Mayweather, it was the fight that paved the way for his success not only as a champion, but also as an entrepreneur and businessman.

However, it is the second fight against Golovkin in September 2018 that holds a special place in Canelo’s heart.

“It was very emotional for me because of many things surrounding the fight,” Canelo said. “Confirming that I was better than him, everything that had been said. [It] was a very special moment.”

Eddy agrees that that night was a high point.

“I saw him very happy when he beat Golovkin in the second round. Also, when he beat Miguel Cotto, or even in his early four-round fights. Every win has had meaning, but that victory over ‘GGG’ was special.”

Little by little, Canelo learned from his mistakes and cleared his path to become the economic and sporting powerhouse he is today. Along the way, he fell out with Golden Boy Promotions and Oscar De La Hoya in 2020, with whom he first became a superstar, and made a miscalculation by moving up to light heavyweight and losing for the second time in his career, this time to Dmitry Bivol in 2022.

The darkest moment of his career came in 2018 when he was suspended for six months by the Nevada Athletic Commission for testing positive for the banned substance clenbuterol. According to Canelo’s team, this was because of contaminated meat he ate during a visit to Mexico. Clenbuterol is sometimes used in cattle feed to increase muscle mass.

Beyond the belts, the million-dollar purses and the fame, Canelo’s career has been supported by his unwavering family, particularly during the difficult times.

“It’s been a long 20-year career,” said Ricardo, one of Canelo’s six older brothers. “We’ve always been united in supporting him. He’s become the star of boxing, the face of boxing. We’re very proud of him, and he’s very proud of what he’s achieved and what he still has to achieve. He was born for this, I’ve always told him, he was born for this.”

The family has celebrated every victory and accompanied him through every obstacle. For them, the fight against Crawford is not just a sporting challenge, it’s also a family reunion.

“We are going to celebrate with great happiness, with the family, more than anything else united, with friends and team. All together, as always,” said Ricardo.

Canelo Alvarez hits Jaime Munguia during a super middleweight title fight on May 4, 2024, in Las Vegas.

(John Locher / Associated Press)

In the Álvarez family’s memory, there are moments that define their history, anecdotes that serve as symbols of everything that was to come. Ricardo remembered one of them with particular clarity: the night they went to the movies to see “Cinderella Man,” the 2005 film about James J. Braddock, the boxer who persevered during the Great Depression and fought for a world title.

As they left the room, Ricardo asked his younger brother, “Can you imagine fighting on a stage like that one day?”

Canelo recalled telling his brother: “I wanted to succeed like that boxer, but with a different ending, fighting in world championships on the biggest stages.”

With a career that has taken Canelo to Madison Square Garden, the MGM Grand and T-Mobile Arena in Las Vegas, Canelo recognizes he made the goal come true.

“Now that we’ve talked about it after all these years, he says to me, ‘And what do you think? I’ve already fought on the best stages.’ And yes, he’s achieved everything,” Ricardo said.

Canelo Álvarez, left, with brother, Ricardo.

(HANDOUT / INSTAGRAM)

Saturday’s setting will once again be monumental: Allegiant Stadium in Las Vegas. Awaiting him there will be Crawford, who is considered by many to be the best pound-for-pound fighter today.

For Eddy, this fight represents a clash of styles and power.

“A huge fight is coming between two of the world’s greatest powerhouses, Mexico and the United States. We’re going to show that the Mexican school is the best,” Eddy said.

Ricardo also recognizes the magnitude of the challenge: “[Canelo] has had big fights, with Cotto, Golovkin, Mayweather. But you can feel what this fight means in the atmosphere. It’s the biggest fight today, and I’m sure it’s going to surprise people.”

Canelo, for his part, takes it in stride.

“It means a lot to me to continue fighting in big fights, in a stadium as important as Allegiant,” he said. “I’m happy and excited to be there.”

It’s still unclear how exactly Canelo will celebrate Oct. 29 and his two decades of boxing.

Eddy envisions joining the celebration with a resounding victory.

“We’re going to win this fight by knockout,” Eddy promises, “and then we’re going to have a big party in Mexico.”

This article first appeared in Spanish via L.A. Times en Español.

White House features crypto industry leaders investigated by the government, as critics highlight Trump’s personal business interests.

Washington, DC – United States President Donald Trump has signed into law new cryptocurrency legislation that advocates say represents a watershed moment for the industry.

Speaking from the White House on Friday, the US president hailed the GENIUS Act, which establishes regulations and consumer protections for stablecoin, a type of cryptocurrency whose value is linked to a fixed currency or commodity.

The signing capped what Trump dubbed “crypto week”, as a total of three cryptocurrency bills made their way through the US legislature.

In the end, only the legislation related to stablecoin landed on Trump’s desk

Two other bills — one that would bar government-issued digital currencies and another that would more clearly define regulatory classifications for cryptocurrency products — were sent from the US House of Representatives on Thursday to the Senate, where they have yet to undergo a vote.

Still, Trump hailed Friday’s bill-signing ceremony as “a giant step to cement the American dominance of global finance and crypto technology”.

Industry advocates have said bills like the GENIUS Act will help to make cryptocurrency more mainstream in the US. They say a lack of regulatory clarity has hindered wider public adoption of digital currencies.

But critics have voiced concern about the Trump family’s close ties to the crypto industry, including its stake in World Liberty Financial, a company that launched its own stablecoin, USD1.

They highlight the fact that the recent flurry of Republican-led legislation does not address whether a president can hold interests in cryptocurrency, leaving an opening for corruption.

Democrats also criticised the GENIUS Act for creating an inadequate regulatory framework that could pose longterm financial risks and open the door for major corporations to issue their own private cryptocurrencies.

Still, speaking on Friday, Trump pledged to continue his embrace of the crypto industry, including by furthering his pitch to create a national “crypto reserve”.

Trump also framed his administration as a hard pivot away from the policies of former President Joe Biden, who took a more aggressive approach to investigating cryptocurrency-related crimes.

Since taking office for a second term in January, Trump ended several Biden-era cryptocurrency investigations and suspended a special Department of Justice enforcement team.

Some of the cryptocurrency leaders previously investigated by the US government were in the audience at the White House.

“You’ve come a long way since the Biden administration, when they had no idea what you were all talking about, and half of you were under arrest for no reason whatsoever,” Trump told them at the signing ceremony.

He addressed certain industry leaders by name, including Brian Armstrong, Chris Pavlovski and twins Tyler and Cameron Winklevoss, all of whom faced probes from the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) investigations under Biden.

“Let me say the entire crypto community, for years you were mocked and dismissed and counted out,” Trump said.

“You were counted out as little as a year and a half ago, but this signing is a massive validation.”

Despite Israel’s considerable military power in the Middle East, it can never achieve regional hegemony—a position that requires unquestionable dominance over all competitors and acceptance of its authority by neighboring countries. Since its establishment in 1948, Israel, relying on its military superiority and broad Western support, particularly from the United States, has managed to establish significant influence in the region. However, Israel’s ambitions to become the dominant power in the Middle East face structural, political, and social obstacles that go beyond its military capabilities. Israel’s recent attacks on Iran in June 2025, under the operation “Lion Rising,” are an example of the country’s aggressive efforts to weaken its rivals and demonstrate its authority. However, these actions have only led to greater regional instability and strengthened resistance against Israel. As Stephen Walt, a professor of international relations at Harvard, argues, true hegemony requires political acceptance and regional legitimacy—something Israel, due to its policies, is unable to achieve.

Limitations of Military Power

With a military budget of $27.5 billion in 2023 and access to advanced technologies, Israel possesses one of the region’s most powerful militaries. Its attacks on Lebanon, Syria, and recently Iran, which targeted both military and civilian infrastructure, demonstrate its ability to strike heavy blows against its competitors. However, military power alone is not sufficient for hegemony. A regional hegemon must be able to fully suppress its rivals or compel them to accept its authority—a challenge Israel has failed at. For example, despite weakening Hezbollah and other resistance groups after attacks in 2023 and 2024, these groups continue to act as a resilient force against Israel. The June 2025 attacks on Iran, while causing significant damage, have not been able to fully halt Iran’s nuclear program. Reports suggest that the Fordow facility remains operational, and Iran is able to accelerate its pursuit of nuclear capabilities. These failures highlight that Israel’s military power, while destructive, cannot lead to lasting dominance, as regional resistance against it persists.

Lack of Regional Legitimacy

Hegemony requires acceptance and legitimacy among regional countries, something Israel lacks due to its aggressive and occupation-driven policies. The occupation of the West Bank and East Jerusalem, the siege and bombing of Gaza, and the repression of Palestinians, condemned by human rights organizations as gross violations of human rights, have painted Israel as a repressive force. These policies have not only angered Palestinians but have also prevented regional countries, including powerful players like Turkey and Qatar, from accepting Israel as the dominant power. Even countries that have established diplomatic relations with Israel, such as the UAE and Bahrain, maintain these relations largely for strategic reasons and under Western pressure, not out of acceptance of Israel’s hegemony. Furthermore, recent attacks on Iran, conducted amidst nuclear negotiations, have exacerbated regional anger and strengthened Iran’s position as a force of resistance against Israeli aggression. This lack of legitimacy is a significant barrier to Israel’s hegemonic ambitions.

Geopolitical Complexity of the Middle East

The Middle East is a region of multiple actors and conflicting interests, making it practically impossible for any country, including Israel, to achieve hegemony. Iran, despite economic and military pressures, still maintains significant influence in Iraq, Lebanon, and Yemen, although its proxy networks have been weakened. Turkey, with its own regional ambitions, and Saudi Arabia, with its vast financial resources, are also powerful competitors unwilling to accept Israeli dominance. Even the fall of the Assad regime in Syria, which was seen as a blow to Iran, failed to shift the balance of power in Israel’s favor, as new actors like Sunni groups backed by Turkey entered the fray. Hegemony requires military superiority over a mix of rivals, but Israel has not been able to establish full dominance even over a single actor like Iran, which, despite recent attacks, still has the ability to respond. These geopolitical complexities, combined with persistent regional resistance, prevent Israel from achieving hegemonic status.

Dependence on the West and Strategic Fragility

Despite its military power, Israel is heavily dependent on the support of the United States and Europe. Annual U.S. military aid of $3.8 billion and political backing in institutions like the United Nations form the backbone of Israel’s power. However, this dependence creates a strategic vulnerability. If Western support decreases—either due to changes in U.S. domestic policies or global pressure for Israel to be held accountable for human rights violations—Israel will lose its ability to maintain its current position. True hegemony requires strategic self-sufficiency, which Israel lacks. Moreover, aggressive actions like the “Lion Rising” operation increase the risk of drawing the U.S. into a broader conflict, which could reduce Western support. This fragility shows that Israel, rather than a hegemon, functions more as a player dependent on foreign powers.

Global Consequences of Israel’s Actions

Israel’s efforts to weaken its rivals, such as the recent attacks on Iran, have not led to hegemony but have instead exacerbated regional and global instability. These attacks, carried out amid nuclear negotiations between Iran and global powers, disrupted diplomatic efforts and increased the risk of a broader conflict. These actions could disrupt the global energy supply chain, as Iran’s control over the Strait of Hormuz plays a critical role in oil and gas markets. Additionally, the anger generated by Israel’s aggressive policies has sparked widespread protests in the Muslim world, raising the risk of political and security instability on a global scale. These consequences, rooted in Israel’s actions, show that the pursuit of hegemony not only remains unattainable but leads to further instability.

The Need for Peace, Not Domination

Israel cannot become the hegemon of the Middle East because true hegemony requires a combination of military power, political legitimacy, and regional acceptance—elements Israel lacks. Israel’s long-term security lies not in military domination but in achieving a lasting political agreement with its neighbors, including the Palestinians. Israel’s aggressive policies, from occupying Palestinian territories to attacking Iran, have only strengthened regional resistance and pushed the country further from its hegemonic goal. The world must recognize this reality and, instead of blindly supporting Israel’s actions, focus on diplomacy and dialogue to establish lasting peace in the Middle East. Only through this approach can the endless cycle of tension and conflict be broken.

Heimo Schirgi’s first big job in soccer was as head of operations for UEFA, the largest and most influential of the global game’s six geographic confederations. Part of that job involved planning and managing the UEFA Champions League, the largest and most influential club soccer competition in the world.

So when Schirgi moved into his current job as FIFA’s chief operating officer for the World Cup, he brought with him the knowledge that the Champions League, for all its prestige and gravitas, also had one weakness: its field was limited to the 55 soccer-playing countries of Europe.

“You have all these club competitions on a confederation, continental level, right?” he said. “But you don’t have it on a global level. You never had clubs from South America competing against European clubs in a serious tournament with high stakes.

“I’m personally interested how the rest of the world’s clubs are going to fare. There’s only one way to find out.”

That one way is the FIFA Club World Cup, which kicked off in the U.S. 10 days ago. And while the tournament has many flaws, it has gone a long way toward answering Schirgi’s curiosity. Europe, it seems, isn’t so dominant after all.

Paris Saint-Germain, the reigning European champion, lost to Botafogo, currently eighth in Brazil’s Serie A. Iconic English club Chelsea was beaten handily by Flamengo, another Brazilian team. Mexico’s Monterrey played Inter Milan, the Champions League runner-up, to a draw. Real Madrid, Europe’s most decorated club, tied Al Hilal, which finished second in the Saudi Pro League.

And Spanish power Atlético Madrid, which made the round of 16 in the Champions League, didn’t even make it out of the group stage.

Those results may still prove to be little more than a stumble on the way to an all-European final four. Or not. And that uncertainty, Schirgi insists, is why the Club World Cup was created.

“Our sport is a sport where underdogs have a genuine chance, right?” he said. “It’s not just the money game. We know that club soccer is at a very high level.”

The real winners through the tournament’s first 34 games have been Latin American teams: Five of the six South American clubs entered Monday unbeaten, as did Mexico’s Monterrey. And if there’s been a big loser, it’s arguably been Major League Soccer, which has shown it’s not ready to play with the big boys.

Although the U.S. league made history when Inter Miami beat Porto 2-1 in a group-stage game, marking the first time an MLS club has beaten a European team in a competitive match, the league’s other two entries — LAFC and the Seattle Sounders — combined for just two goals and were shut out three times in their first five games, all losses.

But if the first Club World Cup has proven to be surprisingly entertaining, even compelling, there have been a few hiccups. Attendance was hurt by several early weekday kickoffs and high admission prices, which forced FIFA to essentially start giving away tickets. The average announced attendance of 36,043 through the first 34 games was matched by nearly as many empty seats.

Just one game has sold out; six others drew fewer than 14,100 fans.

Porto’s Rodrigo Mora tries to cool off after the FIFA Club World Cup group match on Monday.

(Adam Hunger / Associated Press)

The weather has also proven difficult with several players complaining about the heat and humidity. It was so bad in Cincinnati last Saturday, Borussia Dortmund’s substitutes watched the first half on TV in the dressing room. And it’s only going to get worse. Temperatures are expected to top 100 degrees on Tuesday in New Jersey, where Porto plays Al Ahly, and an excessive heat warning has been issued in Philadelphia, where Chelsea and Esperance de Tunis meet.

High 90s temperatures are also forecast Tuesday for Nashville, Tenn., and Charlotte, N.C., where afternoon games are scheduled. That, however, will serve as a wake-up call for next summer’s World Cup, which will be played in similar conditions.

Perhaps the most complex problem FIFA faces in attempting to make the Club World Cup a significant quadrennial event, however, is the crowded fixture schedule. The World Cup will expand from 64 to 104 games next summer. Recent years have seen tournaments such as the Nations League added to the international calendar while club competitions including the Champions League, Europa League and Club World Cup expanded.

Others, such as the Leagues Cup, were created out of whole cloth.

As a result some players have played more than 70 matches for club and country in the last year. The fixture schedule has become so packed that the only place left to accommodate a monthlong tournament such as the Club World Cup was the traditional early summer break between one European season and the next.

FIFPRO, the global union representing soccer players, has cited scientific research in its call for a mandatory four-week break each year. FIFA, the Club World Cup organizer, responded by offering a $1 billion prize-money purse to get teams to play through that break.

“With the introduction of the new Champions League format and the new Club World Cup, which extends for over a month, the workload on teams and players has increased significantly,” said Giuseppe Marotta, chairman and chief executive officer of Inter Milan. “However these competitions also represent a huge opportunity in terms of visibility and revenue. For this reasons, they must be safeguarded.

“Adjustments should instead be made to the rest of the calendar to lighten the overall load.”

Marotta suggests shortening league schedules, which means diminishing domestic competitions while giving more power to the likes of FIFA and UEFA. That could be a slippery slope, one that would make the world’s game less local and more global.

But if the Club World Cup follows the trajectory of the Champions League, Schirgi thinks that’s a trade worth making.

“The beginnings of the Champions League, it was not always this huge, great event,” he said. “There is a lot of growth that needs to happen and a lot of education. We are super excited that we are part of history.”

⚽ You have read the latest installment of On Soccer with Kevin Baxter. The weekly column takes you behind the scenes and shines a spotlight on unique stories. Listen to Baxter on this week’s episode of the “Corner of the Galaxy” podcast.

WASHINGTON, June 12 (UPI) — Taiwan may be an island of just over 23 million people, but what happens there could ripple across the global economy. The small democratic nation produces the vast majority of the world’s most advanced semiconductors — chips that are used in everything from smartphones and electric cars to defense systems and spacecraft.

Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Co. Ltd. “produces roughly 90% of the most sophisticated computer chips, and the loss of that would be devastating,” said Steven David, a professor of political science at Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore. “We can’t get around without it.”

For Taiwan, this manufacturing dominance isn’t just economic — it’s strategic. Analysts call it the island’s “silicon shield.” The world relies heavily on Taiwan’s chips, which deters China from launching a military attack and pushes allies like the United States to come to Taiwan’s defense.

The geopolitical stakes around Taiwan’s semiconductor dominance have soared as China escalates military pressure, through increased fighter jet incursions, large-scale naval drills and explicit threats of reunification.

U.S. lawmakers from both parties have increasingly voiced concern that a Chinese invasion could upend global chip supply chains and empower Beijing with outsized economic leverage.

“It [would be] monumentally stupid to try to keep something as fragile as chips production going during the time of war,” said Kitsch Liao, associate director of the Atlantic Council’s Global China Hub.

The United States has taken steps to address this vulnerability. In 2022, former President Joe Biden signed the CHIPS and Science Act, allocating $280 billion to support domestic semiconductor manufacturing and research, including subsidies for Taiwan Semiconductor to build a plant in Phoenix.

In March, President Donald Trump announced a new $100 billion deal with the company to dramatically expand its manufacturing presence in the United States.

“America is building plants with Taiwanese investment and cooperation in Arizona and elsewhere, but it would still be devastating,” David said, referring to the potential impact of a Chinese attack on chip production.

Taiwan’s government has had to carefully balance cooperation with the United States against growing fears at home that shifting too much chip production abroad could weaken its security.

Taiwan’s two main political parties, the Kuomintang, or KMT, and the Democratic Progressive Party, or DPP, have debated the best approach to cross-strait relations.

While the KMT supports closer ties with China, the DPP, which currently holds the presidency under Lai Ching-te, has leaned toward reinforcing Taiwan’s democratic independence and diversifying trade, actions that could increase already mounting pressure from China.

“If China does successfully invade Taiwan and takes over the TSMC plant, it won’t be able to use the plant the way Taiwan does,” David said. “But it would deny its use to others, and that would be devastating to the world economy. Several percentages of world GDP would drop as a result.”

Analysts worry that even the threat of invasion could destabilize markets. Blockades or gray zone tactics by Beijing, short of all-out war, could still limit Taiwan Semiconductors’ ability to export.

“Any erosion in Taiwan’s ability to trade with the rest of the world would have a significant impact on the global economy,” said Jack Burnham, a research analyst at the Washington-based Foundation for Defense of Democracies.

“It would disrupt the flow of semiconductors to a variety of different industries that are incredibly valuable to the United States, its allies and partners, and the global community.”

Taiwan has long been one of the most contentious issues in United States-China relations. After the Chinese Civil War, the Nationalist government fled to Taiwan in 1949, and the Chinese Communist Party established the People’s Republic of China on the mainland. Since then, Beijing has claimed Taiwan as an inalienable part of its territory.

In 1979, the United States. ended formal diplomatic recognition of Taipei in favor of Beijing, but passed the Taiwan Relations Act, which commits the United States to help Taiwan maintain a “sufficient self-defense capability.”

The United States, though, has remained deliberately vague about whether it would come to Taiwan’s defense in the event of a Chinese invasion — a policy known as strategic ambiguity.

But as threats of an invasion increased, this stance continued to be tested. In a speech in Singapore last month, Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth vowed that “devastating consequences” could result should China seek to “conquer” Taiwan, warning that an invasion could be “imminent.”

Beyond semiconductor and chips manufacturing, Taiwan remains a core interest in the Indo-Pacific region. The island sits at the heart of the “first island chain,” a line of U.S.-aligned territories stretching from Japan to the Philippines.

If China were to take over Taiwan, experts warned it could use the island as a launchpad to project power deep into the Pacific, posing a direct challenge to U.S. interests.

“Should China be successful [in a reunification scenario], it would have a significant impact on the lives of everyday Americans — both in their wallets and in the political situation they find themselves in,” Burnham said.

“What’s at stake when it comes to Taiwan is the free flow of trade, a significant part of the American economy, and the health and stability of the United States’ key allies and partners in the region.”

The theme park rivalry in Orlando, Fla. is heating up.

This week, Universal will open its latest park, Epic Universe, a reportedly $7 billion bet for the Comcast-owned company and the newest salvo in its ongoing push to expand its tourism and entertainment empire.

That puts pressure on Walt Disney Co., whose Walt Disney World Resort has long dominated the Orlando vacation landscape, but is now seeing increased competition, particularly from Universal.

Sprawled across 750 acres, Epic Universe represents the biggest Universal theme park expansion since the opening of the Wizarding World of Harry Potter 15 years ago.

It touts five different themed areas, four of which are tied to well-known franchises: “Harry Potter,” “How to Train Your Dragon,” Universal’s Dark Universe of classic movie monsters and Nintendo video game properties, in addition to a cosmic central Celestial Park hub.

The resort, which also includes three hotels, features technologically-advanced animatronics and detailed rides like Monsters Unchained: The Frankenstein Experiment, which showcases many of Universal’s monsters. Reviews of the park have been largely positive, with critics highlighting the immersive nature of the attractions.

“Comcast has come on so strong with what they’ve developed and brought forth in the Orlando market,” said Dennis Speigel, founder and chief executive of Cincinnati-based consulting firm International Theme Park Services Inc. “Over the last 15 years, they have brought that distance between Universal and Disney much closer, and it has really become a prize fight. It’s the most intense and competitive situation in the industry.”

Disney was the first of the two to the Orlando market back in 1971, when it opened the Magic Kingdom at Disney World. It wasn’t until 1990 that Universal opened its own Orlando park, giving Disney a nearly two-decade head start.

By then, Disney had already opened the Epcot and Disney-MGM Studios theme parks (which would later become known as Hollywood Studios). Also in the mix in the Sunshine State: SeaWorld Orlando, which opened in 1973, and what’s now known as Busch Gardens Tampa, which debuted in 1959.

Today, Disney World has four theme parks and two water parks, while Universal Orlando will have three, including Epic Universe and Islands of Adventure (opened in 1999), and a water park, Volcano Bay (2017).

Though Universal was late to market, its 2010 opening of the Wizarding World of Harry Potter land across Universal Studios and Islands of Adventure in Orlando pushed the theme park competition to new heights. Building a land solely around a specific intellectual property — instead of a general theme — was novel at the time, and the concept would later show up in Disney parks, such as Cars Land in Anaheim and later, “Star Wars”-themed lands in California and Florida.

Demand at the time for the “Harry Potter”-themed land pushed Universal’s attendance up 36% compared with the previous year, Speigel said.

“They realized after ‘Harry Potter’ that it was a new world order,” he said. “They’ve just kept the pedal to the metal on everything they’ve done in terms of growth and internal experience.”

There’s good reason for that.

Both Universal and Disney have honed in on theme parks as a profit-generating part of their business that is less volatile than the ever-changing media, television and film markets. Disney’s experiences division, which includes its theme parks and cruise lines, has long brought in the lion’s share of the company’s profit, particularly as pay TV shrinks.

“Disney has been pretty steady and consistent, but Universal is very rapidly expanding,” said Carissa Baker, an assistant professor of theme park and attraction management at the University of Central Florida’s Rosen College of Hospitality Management. “They’re highly encouraging their theme park sector right now.”

Both companies have recently announced new properties — Disney in Abu Dhabi and Universal with a smaller kids resort in Texas, a theme park in Britain and a year-round Halloween Horror Nights-esque experience in Las Vegas.

“The plan is to keep driving growth in a business that we think we’re one of two players in a market that is, within media, not at all exposed to the shift in time on screens from one venue to another,” Comcast Corp. President Mike Cavanagh said during the company’s fiscal first quarter call with analysts last month. “Live experiences, parks experiences have been thrilling to people, and we think we lean into that and continue to do so.”

So far, he said, advance ticket sales and hotel bookings are “strong” for Epic Universe and the other Universal parks in Orlando. A one-day ticket starts at $139.

That’s why analysts have consistently flagged the upcoming park during earnings calls for rival Disney, querying executives about the potential pressure on Disney World and how the company plans to compete.

But if Disney is worried, it has shown little sign of it. Last week, Disney Chief Financial Officer Hugh Johnston said hotel bookings for the fiscal third quarter are up 4% compared with last year, with about 80% of available nights reserved. For the fourth quarter, bookings are up about 7%, with about 50% to 60% of capacity filled, he said.

That’s despite broader worries that concerns about a potential recession — spurred by President Trump’s tariffs on foreign goods — will dampen travel and consumer spending.

“Experiences is obviously a critical business for Disney and also an important growth platform,” company Chief Executive Bob Iger said on a recent earnings call. “Despite questions around any macro-economic uncertainty or the impact of competition, I’m encouraged by the strength and resilience of our business.”

The company has previously announced it is investing $30 billion into its parks in Florida and California, which will fund such additions as a “Monsters Inc.”-inspired land and a villains land in Disney World. The parks have also added attractions throughout the last 10 years, including the revamped Tiana’s Bayou Adventure ride (which replaced Splash Mountain).

Disney is betting that the influx of visitors coming to Florida for Epic Universe will still make a stop at its parks. Last year, Orlando tallied more than 75 million visitors, up 1.8% compared with 2023, according to the Visit Orlando trade association. Josh D’Amaro, chairman of Disney Experiences, said at an investor conference last week that Disney gets more tourists any time something new opens up in central Florida — even if it’s not a Disney property.

“If we just go back five or 10 years, and you think about what’s happened at Walt Disney World, we’ve always been on the offensive,” D’Amaro said. “If something is built new in Central Florida, like Epic Universe, and if it brings in additional tourists, I can almost guarantee you that new tourist coming into the market is going to have to visit the Magic Kingdom.”