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Citing successes other police departments across the country have seen using drones, the Los Angeles Police Commission said it would allow the LAPD to deploy unmanned aircraft on routine emergency calls.

The civilian oversight body approved an updated policy Tuesday allowing drones to be used in more situations, including “calls for service.” The new guidelines listed other scenarios for future drone use — “high-risk incident, investigative purpose, large-scale event, natural disaster” — and transferred their command from the Air Support Division to the Office of Special Operations.

Previously, the department’s nine drones were restricted to a narrow set of dangerous situations, most involving barricaded suspects or explosives.

LAPD Cmdr. Bryan Lium told commissioners the technology offers responding officers and their supervisors crucial, real-time information about what type of threats they might encounter while responding to an emergency.

Officials said there is strong community support for the expanding use of drones to combat crime — and offered reassurances that the new policy will not be used unconstitutionally.

Tuesday’s vote clears the way for a pilot program set to launch next month at four police divisions — Topanga, West L.A., Harbor and Central — spread across the department’s four geographical bureaus. The Commission asked the department to report back within six months on the program’s progress.

Commissioner Rasha Gerges Shields said the old policy was understandably “very restrictive” as the department was testing out what was then an unproven technology. But that left the LAPD “behind the times” as other agencies embraced she said.

The commissioner pointed to the city of Beverly Hills, where police have been quick to adapt cutting-edge surveillance technology. Sending out a drone ahead of officers could help prevent dangerous standoffs, informing responding officers whether a suspect is armed or not, according to Gerges Shields, who served on an internal work group that crafted the new policy.

Commissioner Teresa Sanchez Gordon turned a more skeptical eye to the issue, saying the new policy needed to protect the public. She asked whether there were clear guidelines for how and when the devices are deployed during mass demonstrations, such as the ones that have roiled Los Angeles in recent weeks.

“I guess I just want to make sure that the recording of these activities will not be used against individuals who are lawfully exercising their rights,” she said.

The updated drone policy allows for the monitoring of mass protests for safety reasons, but department officials stressed that it will not be used to track or monitor demonstrators who aren’t engaged in criminal activities.

Equipping the drones with weapons or pairing them with facial recognition software is still off-limits, officials said.

The footage captured by the drones will be also subject to periodic audits. The department said it plans to develop a web portal where members of the public will be able to track a drone’s flight path, as well as the date, time and location of its deployment — but won’t be able to watch the videos it records.

Critics remain skeptical about the promises of transparency, pointing to the department’s track record with surveillance technology while saying they fear police will deploy drones disproportionately against communities of color. Several opponents of the program spoke out at Tuesday’s meeting.

The devices vary in size (2.5-5 lbs) and can cover a distance of two miles in roughly two minutes, officials said.

Expanding the role of drones has been under consideration for years, but a public outcry over a series of high-profile burglaries on the city’s West Side sparked an increased push inside the department.

The drone expansion comes amid a broader debate over the effectiveness of the department’s helicopter program, which has been criticized for being too costly.

In adopting the new guidelines, the department is following in the lead of smaller neighboring agencies. In addition to Beverly Hills, Culver City and Chula Vista that have been using drones on patrol for years and have more permissive regulations.

LAPD Cmdr. Shannon Paulson said that new policy will give the department greater flexibility in deploying drones. For instance, she said, under the old policy, a drone could normally only be dispatched to a bomb threat by a deputy chief or above who was at the scene, which led to delays.

Bridgette Covelli arrived near Los Angeles City Hall for last Saturday’s “No Kings” festivities to find what she described as a peaceful scene: people chanting, dancing, holding signs. No one was arguing with the police, as far as she could tell.

Enforcement of the city’s curfew wouldn’t begin for hours. But seemingly out of nowhere, Covelli said, officers began to fire rubber bullets and launch smoke bombs into the crowd, which had gathered to protest the Trump administration’s aggressive immigration enforcement campaign.

“No dispersal order. Nothing at all,” she said. “We were doing everything right. There was no aggression toward them.”

Covelli, 23, grabbed an electric bike and turned up 3rd Street, where another line of police blocked parts of the roadway. She felt a shock of pain in her arm as she fell from the bike and crashed to the sidewalk.

In a daze, she realized she was bleeding after being struck by a hard-foam projectile shot by an unidentified LAPD officer.

The young tattoo artist was hospitalized with injuries that included a fractured forearm, which has left her unable to work.

“I haven’t been able to draw. I can’t even brush my teeth correctly,” she said.

Bridgette Covelli says she was shot with a less-lethal round by law enforcement last week during the ‘No Kings Day’ protest in downtown Los Angeles, which resulted in a fractured arm that has put her out of work as a tattoo artist.

(Luke Johnson / Los Angeles Times)

She is among the demonstrators and journalists hurt this month after being targeted by LAPD officers with foam projectiles, tear gas, flash-bang grenades and paintball-like weapons that waft pepper spray into the air.

Despite years of costly lawsuits, oversight measures and promises by leaders to rein in indiscriminate use of force during protests, the LAPD once again faces sharp criticism and litigation over tactics used during the past two weeks.

In a news conference at police headquarters last week, LAPD Chief Jim McDonnell promised “a comprehensive review when this is all done,” while also defending officers he said were dealing with “a very chaotic, dynamic situation.”

Police officials said force was used only after a group of agitators began pelting officers with bottles, fireworks and other objects. At least a dozen police injuries occurred during confrontations, including one instance in which a protester drove a motorcycle into a line of officers. L.A. County prosecutors have charged several defendants with assault for attacks on law enforcement.

Behind the scenes, according to communications reviewed by The Times and multiple sources who requested anonymity because they were not authorized to speak publicly, tensions sometimes ran high between LAPD commanders and City Hall officials, who pushed for restraint in the early hours of the protests downtown.

Bridgette Covelli holds a 40mm foam round like the type fired by Los Angeles police during a protest she and thousands of others attended last weekend in opposition to the Trump administration’s policies.

(Luke Johnson / Los Angeles Times)

On June 6 — the Friday that the demonstrations began — communication records show Mayor Karen Bass made calls to LAPD Capt. Raul Jovel, the incident commander, and to McDonnell. In the days that followed, sources said Bass or members of her senior staff were a constant presence at a command post in Elysian Park, from where local and federal officials were monitoring the on-the-ground developments.

Some LAPD officials have privately grumbled about not being allowed to make arrests sooner, before protesters poured into downtown. Although mostly peaceful, a handful of those who flooded the streets vandalized shops, vehicles and other property. LAPD leaders have also pointed out improvements from past years, including restrictions on the use of bean-bag shotguns for crowd control and efforts to more quickly release people who were arrested.

But among longtime LAPD observers, the latest protest response is widely seen as another step backward. After paying out millions over the last decade for protest-related lawsuits, the city now stares down another series of expensive court battles.

“City leaders like Mayor Bass [are] conveniently saying, ‘Oh this is Trump’s fault, this is the Feds’ fault.’ No, take a look at your own force,” said longtime civil rights attorney James DeSimone, who filed several excessive force government claims against the city and the county in recent days.

A spokesperson for Bass didn’t immediately respond to a request for comment.

McDonnell — a member of the LAPD command staff during an aggressive police crackdown on immigrant rights demonstrators on May Day in 2007 — found himself on the defensive during an appearance before the City Council last week, when he faced questions about readiness and whether more could have been done to prevent property damage.

“We’ll look and see, are there training issues, are there tactics [issues], are there less-lethal issues that need to be addressed,” McDonnell told reporters a few days later.

One of the most potentially embarrassing incidents occurred during the “No Kings” rally Saturday, when LAPD officers could be heard on a public radio channel saying they were taking friendly fire from L.A. County sheriff’s deputies shooting less-lethal rounds.

Three LAPD sources not authorized to speak publicly confirmed the incident occurred. A spokesperson for the Sheriff’s Department said in a statement that the agency “has not received reports of any ‘friendly fire’ incidents.”

Motorists encountered mounted LAPD officers as curfew enforcement began near Temple Street on June 10.

(Gina Ferazzi / Los Angeles Times)

Some protesters allege LAPD officers deliberately targeted individuals who posed no threat.

Shakeer Rahman, a civil rights attorney and community organizer with the Stop LAPD Spying Coalition, said he was monitoring a demonstration snaking past LAPD headquarters on June 8 when he witnessed two colleagues who were demanding to know an officer’s badge number get shot with a 40mm less-lethal launcher at close range.

In a recording he shared of the incident, Rahman can be heard confronting the officer, who threatens to fire as he paces back and forth on an elevated platform.

“I’m gonna pop you right now, because you’re taking away my focus,” the officer is heard saying before raising his weapon over the glass partition that separated them and firing two foam rounds at Rahman, nearly striking him in his groin.

“It’s an officer who doesn’t want to be questioned and knows he can get away with firing these shots,” said Rahman, who noted a 2021 court injunction bans the use of 40mm launchers in most crowd-control situations.

Later on June 8, as clashes between officers and protesters intensified in other parts of downtown, department leaders authorized the use of tear gas against a crowd — a common practice among other agencies, but one that the LAPD hasn’t used in decades.

“There was a need under these circumstances to deploy it when officers started taking being assaulted by commercial fireworks, some of those with shrapnel in them,” McDonnell said to The Times. “It’s a different day, and we use the tools we are able to access.”

City and state leaders arguing against Trump’s deployment of soldiers to L.A. have made the case that the LAPD is better positioned to handle demonstrations than federal forces. They say local cops train regularly on tactics beneficial to crowd control, including de-escalation, and know the downtown terrain where most demonstrations occur.

Police prepare to fire less-lethal projectiles at protesters after an unlawful assembly was declared from the “No Kings” protest on Temple Street in downtown Los Angeles on June 14.

(Genaro Molina / Los Angeles Times)

But numerous protesters who spoke with The Times said they felt the LAPD officers were quicker to use violence than they have been at any point in recent years.

Raphael Mamoun, 36, followed the June 8 march from City Hall to the federal Metropolitan Detention Center on Alameda Street. Mamoun, who works in digital security, said his group eventually merged with other demonstrators and wound up bottlenecked by LAPD near the intersection of Temple and Alameda, where a stalemate with LAPD officers ensued.

After roughly an hour, he said, chaos erupted without warning.

“I don’t know if they made any announcement, any dispersal order, but basically you had like a line of mounted police coming behind the line of cops that were on foot and then they just started charging, moving forward super fast, pushing people, screaming at people, shooting rubber bullets,” he said.

Mamoun’s complaints echoed those of other demonstrators and observations of Times reporters at multiple protest scenes throughout the week. LAPD dispersal orders were sometimes only audible when delivered from an overhead helicopter. Toward the end of Saturday’s hours-long “No Kings” protests, many demonstrators contended officers used force against crowds that had been relatively peaceful all day.

The LAPD’s use of horses has also raised widespread concern, with some protesters saying the department’s mounted unit caused injuries and confusion rather than bringing anything resembling order.

One video captured on June 8 by independent journalist Tina-Desiree Berg shows a line of officers on horseback advance into a crowd while other officers fire less-lethal rounds at protesters shielding themselves with chairs and road signs. A protester can be seen falling to the ground, seemingly injured. The mounted units continue marching forward even as the person desperately tries to roll out of the way. Several horses trample over the person’s prone body before officers arrest them.

At other scenes, mounted officers were weaving through traffic and running up alongside vehicles that were not involved with the demonstrations. In one incident on June 10, a Times reporter saw a mounted officer smashing the roof of a car repeatedly with a wooden stick.

“It just seems like they are doing whatever the hell they want to get protesters, and injure protesters,” Mamoun said.

Protesters were pushed back by LAPD officers on Broadway during the “No Kings Day” protest downtown.

(Carlin Stiehl / Los Angeles Times)

Audrey Knox, 32, a screenwriter and teacher, was also marching with the City Hall group on June 8. She stopped to watch a tense skirmish near the Grand Park Metro stop when officers began firing projectiles into the crowd.

Some protesters said officers fired less-lethal rounds into groups of people in response to being hit with flying objects. Although she said she was well off to the side, she was still struck in the head by one of the hard-foam rounds.

Other demonstrators helped her get to a hospital, where Knox said she received five staples to close her head wound. In a follow-up later in the week, a doctor said she had post-concussion symptoms. The incident has made her hesitant to demonstrate again, despite her utter disgust for the Trump administration’s actions in Los Angeles.

“It just doesn’t seem smart to go back out because even when you think you’re in a low-risk situation, that apparently is not the case,” she said. “I feel like my freedom of speech was directly attacked, intentionally.”

Times staff writers Julia Wick, Connor Sheets and Richard Winton contributed to this report.

ADELANTO, Calif. — As federal immigration agents conduct mass raids across Southern California, the Adelanto ICE Processing Center is filling so rapidly it is reigniting longtime concerns about safety conditions inside the facility.

In less than two months, the number of detainees in the sprawling complex about 85 miles northeast of Los Angeles has surged from around 300 near the end of April to more than 1,200 as of Wednesday, according to the American Civil Liberties Union of Southern California.

The largest detention center in California, Adelanto has for years been the focus of complaints from detainees, attorneys and state and federal inspectors about inadequate medical care, overly restrictive segregation and lax mental health services.

But now, critics — including some staff who work inside — warn that conditions inside have become increasingly unsafe and unsanitary. The facility, they say, is woefully unprepared to handle a massive increase in the number of detainees.

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“It’s dangerous,” a longtime Adelanto detention center staff member told The Times, speaking on condition of anonymity because they did not want to lose their job. “We have no staffing for this and not enough experienced staff. They’re just cutting way too many corners, and it affects the safety of everybody in there.”

On Tuesday, U.S. Rep Judy Chu (D-Monterey Park), toured Adelanto with four other Democratic members of Congress from California amid growing concern over the rapidly increasing number of detainees and deteriorating conditions inside the facility.

The facility’s manager “has to clearly improve its treatment of these detainees,” Chu said at a news conference after inspecting the facility for nearly two hours.

Some detainees told lawmakers they were held inside Adelanto for 10 days without a change of clothes, underwear or towels, Chu said. Others said they had been denied access to a telephone to speak to loved ones and lawyers, even after repeatedly filling out forms.

“I was just really shocked to hear that they couldn’t get a change of underwear, they couldn’t get socks for 10 days,” Chu told The Times. “They can’t get the PIN number for a telephone call. What about their legal rights? What about the ability to be in contact with their families? That is inhumane.”

Immigration Customs and Enforcement and GEO Group, the Florida-based private prison corporation that manages the Adelanto detention center, did not answer The Times’ questions about staffing or conditions inside the facility. The Times also sent questions to Homeland Security assistant secretary for public affairs Tricia McLaughlin, but they were not answered.

Lucero Garcia, third from left, gave an emotional account about her uncle who was taken from his work at an Orange County car wash. She and others were outside the Adelanto ICE Processing Center on Tuesday.

(Myung J. Chun/Los Angeles Times)

Over the last two weeks, new detainees have been forced to sleep on the floors of common areas without blankets and pillows and have spent days in the facility before they were provided with clean clothes and underwear, according to interviews with current detention center staff, immigration attorneys, and members of Congress who toured the facility. Some detainees have complained about lack of access to medication, lack of access to drinking water for four hours, and being served dinner as late as 10 p.m.

One detainee was not allowed his high blood pressure pills when family tried to bring it in, said Jennifer Norris, a staff attorney at Immigrant Defenders Law Center. In some cases, she said, lax medical care has led to emergencies: a Vietnamese man passed out last week because staff didn’t provide him with his necessary medication.

“It’s clear that with the ramp up enforcement, Adelanto just does not have the staff to keep pace with the aggressive enforcement that’s happening now,” Norris said. “It is bizarre. We spend millions of dollars on ICE detention and they’re not even able to provide basic necessities for the new arrivals.”

Long before Trump administration officials announced in May they were setting a new national goal of arresting 3,000 unauthorized immigrants a day, Adelanto workers worried about understaffing and unsafe conditions as the center processed new detainees.

At the end of last year, the facility held only three people. As of Wednesday, the number had swelled to 1,218, according to the ACLU of Southern California.

The climb is only partly due to the ICE agents’ recent escalation of immigrant raids.

The 1,940-bed Adelanto facility has been operating at a dramatically reduced capacity since 2020 when civil rights groups filed a class-action lawsuit demanding a drastic reduction in the number of people detained at Adelanto on the basis that they faced severe risk of contracting COVID-19. A federal judge forced the detention center to release detainees and prohibit new intakes and transfers.

But a series of federal court orders this year — the most recent in early June — has allowed the facility to fully reopen just as federal immigration agents fan out into neighborhoods and workplaces.

“As soon as the judge lifted the order, they just started slamming people in there,” an Adelanto staffer told The Times.

Eva Bitrán, director of immigrant rights at the ACLU of Southern California, said “almost everybody” held in the Adelanto facility had no criminal record before they arrived in the detention center.

“But even if they had a criminal record, even if they had served their time in criminal custody and then been brought to the ICE facility, nobody deserves 10 days in the same underwear,” Bitrán said. “Nobody deserves dirty showers, nobody deserves moldy food.”

The Adelanto ICE Processing Center.

(Myung J. Chun/Los Angeles Times)

Mario Romero, an Indigenous worker from Mexico who was detained June 6 at the Ambiance Apparel warehouse in downtown L.A., was one of dozens who ended up in Adelanto.

His daughter, Yurien Contreras, said she and her family were traumatized after her father was “chained by the hands, feet and waist,” taken to the Metropolitan Detention Center downtown and then “held hostage” in a van from 11 p.m. to 7 a.m. with no access to water, food or a restroom.

“Little did we know,” she said, “it was only the beginning of the inhumane treatment our families would endure.”

At Adelanto, she said, officials try to force her father to sign documents without due process or legal representation. The medical care was “less than minimal,” she said, the food was unsustainable and the water tasted like Clorox.

Yurien Contreras’ father was taken by ICE agents from his workplace at Ambiance Apparel in Los Angeles.

(Myung J. Chun/Los Angeles Times)

Lucero Garcia told The Times she was concerned about her 61-year-old uncle, Candido, who was detained June 9 as he worked at his job at Magnolia Car Wash in Fountain Valley.

But when she visited him Saturday, “he didn’t want to share much,” she said. “He’s worried more about us.”

This is not the first time the Adelanto detention center has faced scrutiny.

In 2018, federal inspectors issued a report finding “serious violations” at the facility, including overly restrictive detainee segregation and guards failing to stop detainees from hanging braided bed sheet “nooses.”

Five years later, current and former Adelanto detainees filed a class-action lawsuit against GEO Group, alleging the company “systematically poisoned” inmates by improperly using toxic chemicals to clean the detention center. GEO Group has denied the claims in the class-action suit.

In April, the California Department of Justice released a report that found all of the state’s six privately operated immigration detention facilities, including Adelanto, fell short in providing mental health care for detainees, medical record keeping, suicide prevention strategies, and use of force against detainees with mental health conditions.

But two staffers who spoke to The Times said they had never experienced such unsafe conditions at Adelanto.

As the prison population has increased over the last few months, they said, staff are working long hours without breaks, some even falling asleep driving home after their shifts and having car accidents. Shift duty officers with no security experience were being asked to make decisions in the middle of the night about whether to put detainees who felt threatened in protective custody. Officers, including people from food service, were being sent to the hospital to check on detainees with tuberculosis and hepatitis.

“Everyone’s just overwhelmed,” a staffer said.

Officers working over their allotted schedules were often tired when they were on duty, another staffer said.

In May, a detainee went into anaphylactic shock and ended up intubated in the hospital, the staffer said, because an officer wasn’t paying attention or was new and gave the detainee, who’s allergic to seafood, a tray that contained tuna.

At a May meeting, the warden told all executive staff that they needed to come to work dressed down on Tuesdays and Thursdays, the staffer said, because they would have to start doing janitorial work.

On June 2, a detainee at the Annex facility made his way from a medical holding area, through four locked doors, all the way back to his dorm unescorted, the staffer said — a major security breach.

“If he would’ve wanted to escape he would’ve been gone,” the staffer said. “All he did is push the buttons to access the doors and they were open for him, no questions. Apparently, whoever was in central control was too tired to check or too inexperienced.”

The detention center was becoming unsanitary, the staffer said, with trash bins not promptly emptied, bathrooms not cleaned and floors not mopped as they should be.

As new waves of detainees flooded into the facility over the last two weeks, the staffer said, the facility was chaotic and lacking basic supplies.

“We didn’t have enough to provide right away,” they said, “so we’re scrambling to get clothes and mattresses.”

Mark Ferretiz, who worked as a cook supervisor at Adelanto for 14 years until April, said former colleagues told him officers were working 16- to 20-hour shifts multiple days in a row without breaks, officers were slow to respond to physical fights between detainees, and food was limited for detainees.

“They had five years to prepare,” Ferretiz, who had served as a union steward, said of his former supervisors. “I don’t know the reason why they weren’t prepared.”

While the supply shortages appeared to ease some in recent days — a shipment of clothes and mattresses had arrived by Tuesday, when members of Congress toured — the detention center was still understaffed, the current staffer said.

Detainees were being served food on paper clam-shell to-go boxes, rather than regular trays, a staffer said, because the facility lacked employees to wash up at the end of mealtimes.

“Trash pickup’s not coming fast enough, ” a staffer said, noting that piles of trash sat outside, bagged up, beside the dumpsters.

In a statement last week, GEO Group Executive Chairman George C. Zoley said fully opening the Adelanto facility would allow his company to generate about $31 million in additional annualized revenues.

“We are proud of our approximately 350 employees at the Adelanto Center, whose dedication and professionalism have allowed GEO to establish a long-standing record of providing high-quality support services on behalf of ICE in the state of California,” Zoley said.

But after touring the facility, members of Congress said officials did not provide answers to basic questions.

When Chu asked officials about whether California immigrants were being taken to other states, she said, they said, “We don’t know.”

On Tuesday, New York City Comptroller Brad Lander was arrested by several masked Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents at a courthouse in Manhattan as he attempted to steer an individual past immigration authorities. That same day, masked agents outside a Walmart in Pico Rivera detained two individuals — one a target of immigration enforcement, the other a U.S. citizen who tried to intervene.

These two scenes from opposite sides of the country illustrate what has become a more common problem: federal agents wearing masks to avoid recognition. On Thursday, masked individuals said to be affiliated with the Department of Homeland Security descended on a Home Depot in Hollywood and on Dodger Stadium.

Masking is not good law enforcement practice. It may contradict Homeland Security regulations, while potentially providing cover for some officers to violate constitutional and civil rights. It undermines agents’ authority and endangers public safety as well.

The federal government has no specific policy banning immigration agents from wearing masks. But the fact that such practice is not illegal does not make it acceptable. Department of Homeland Security regulations require immigration officers to identify themselves during an arrest or, in cases of a warrantless arrest, provide a statement explaining how they identified themselves. The use of masks seems to violate the intent of these directives for identification.

ICE agents in masks are becoming disturbingly routine. There were ICE agents in masks at the Los Angeles immigration protests recently, just as there have been at enforcement actions in Minneapolis, Boston, Phoenix and across the country. In March a video of Rumeysa Ozturk, a doctoral student at Tufts University, being detained by masked officers on the street went viral.

There seems to be no uniformity in the face coverings immigration agents wear, which has included ski masks, surgical masks, balaclavas and sunglasses. Such inconsistency across a federal workforce flies in the face of sound policing. Masked agents can confuse both bystanders and ICE targets, which risks people interfering with enforcement actions that look more like kidnappings. The International Assn. of Chiefs of Police has warned that the public “may be intimidated or fearful of officers wearing a face covering, which may heighten their defensive reactions.”

Todd Lyons, acting director of ICE, said earlier this month that immigration agents wear masks to protect themselves. “I’m sorry if people are offended by them wearing masks,” he said, “but I’m not going to let my officers and agents go out there and put their lives on the line, their family on the line, because people don’t like what immigration enforcement is.”

Yet law enforcement jobs come with an assumption of exactly that risk. Consider that the overwhelming majority of police officers, sheriffs and FBI agents fulfill their duties without concealing their faces. Correction officers who deal with prisoners do not wear masks, nor do judges who administer our laws. Because these public employees have such tremendous power, their roles require full transparency.

Besides, ICE agents are increasingly targeting noncriminals, which mitigates the argument that agents require masks for safety. According to the research site Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse, about 44% of people in ICE detention as of June 1 have no criminal record.

When ICE agents wear masks, there can be unintended consequences. Lately, there has been a spike in people impersonating agents and engaging in harassment, assault and violence. In April, a Florida woman wore a mask as she posed as an ICE agent and attempted to kidnap her ex-boyfriend’s wife.

Ironically, the Trump administration has a double standard around the idea of people wearing masks. It has demanded that universities bar students from wearing masks during protests. In the aftermath of the Los Angeles immigration protests, the president posted on social media, “From now on, MASKS WILL NOT BE ALLOWED to be worn at protests.” Shouldn’t that principle be applied to both sides?

True, it makes sense for immigration agents to use face coverings when they are making arrests of a high-profile target or conducting an undercover operation. However, masking should be the exception, not the norm. If ICE agents are conducting their duties anonymously, they open the door to potential civil rights and due process violations. The practice gives impunity to agents to make unlawful arrests, without the possibility of public accountability.

Masking can also be seen as a show of intimidation by immigration agents — whether their target is an undocumented migrant or an American citizen, like Newark Mayor Ras Baraka, who was arrested outside a New Jersey detention facility in May. Masked ICE agents give the impression of being a secret police force, which is not good for our democracy.

Last week, two Democratic lawmakers in California introduced a bill that would bar local, state and federal law enforcement officers in California from wearing masks on duty (with certain exceptions). Although this is a step in the right direction, it remains unclear whether such a state measure could be applied to federal agents. Congress should ban the use of masks by immigration agents.

ICE officers should not be allowed to conceal their faces. The public’s need for accountability strongly outweighs any rationale for agents’ anonymity.

Raul A. Reyes is an immigration attorney and contributor to NBC Latino and CNN Opinion. X: @RaulAReyes; Instagram: @raulareyes1

A coalition of press rights organizations is seeking a court order to stop the “continuing abuse” of journalists by the Los Angeles Police Department during protests over President Trump’s immigration crackdown.

The federal lawsuit, filed Monday by the Los Angeles Press Club and investigative reporting network Status Coup, seeks to “force the LAPD to respect the constitutional and statutory rights of journalists engaged in reporting on these protests and inevitable protests to come.”

The suit cites multiple instances of officers firing foam projectiles at members of the media and otherwise flouting state laws that restrict the use of so-called less-lethal weapons in crowd control situations and protect journalists covering the unrest. Those measures were passed in the wake of the 2020 protests over the killing of George Floyd by police in Minneapolis when journalists were detained and injured by the LAPD while covering the unrest.

The recent suit filed in the Central District of California describes journalists being shot with less-lethal police rounds, tear-gassed and detained without cause.

Carol Sobel, a longtime civil rights attorney who represents the plaintiffs, said LAPD officers have also been blocking journalists from areas where they had a right to be, in violation of the department’s own rules and Senate Bill 98, a state law that prohibits law enforcement from interfering with or obstructing journalists from covering such events.

“You have people holding up their press credentials saying, ‘I’m press,’ and they still got shot,” she said. “The Legislature spent all this time limiting how use of force can occur in a crowd control situation, and they just all ignored it.

Apart from journalists, scores of protesters allege LAPD projectiles left them with severe bruises, lacerations and serious injuries.

The Police Department said Monday that it doesn’t comment on pending litigation. A message for the Los Angeles city attorney’s office, which represents the LAPD in most civil suits, went unreturned.

Sobel filed a similar action in the wake of the LAPD’s response to the 2020 protests on behalf of Black Lives Matter-L.A. and others who contended that LAPD caused scores of injuries by firing hard-foam projectiles. A federal judge later issued an injunction restricting the department’s use of 40-millimeter and 37-millimeter hard-foam projectile launchers to officers who are properly trained to use them.

Under the restrictions, which remain in place with the court case pending, police can target individuals with 40-millimeter rounds “only when the officer reasonably believes that a suspect is violently resisting arrest or poses an immediate threat of violence or physical harm.” Officers are also barred from targeting people in the head, torso and groin areas.

The city has paid out millions of dollars in settlements and jury awards related to lawsuits brought by reporters and demonstrators in 2020 who were injured.

On Monday, the LAPD announced an internal review of a June 10 incident in which a 30-year-old man suffered a broken finger during a confrontation with officers of the vaunted Metropolitan Division.

According to the department’s account, the Metro officers had been deployed to contend with an “unruly” crowd on Alameda Street and Temple Street and said that Daniel Robert Bill and several other demonstrators refused to leave the area and instead challenged officers. During a confrontation, several officers swung their batons and fired less-lethal munitions at Bill “to no effect” and then “used a team takedown” before arresting him.

After his arrest, Bill was taken to an area hospital, where he underwent surgery to repair a broken finger on his left hand.

The department’s Force Investigation Division will review the case, as it does all incidents in which someone is seriously injured or killed while in policy custody.

Department leaders have in the past argued that officers need less-lethal weapons to restore order, particularly when faced with large crowds with individuals throwing bottles and rocks.

The department’s handling of the recent protests is expected to be addressed at Tuesday’s meeting of the LAPD Police Commission, the department’s civilian policy-making body. The body reviewed complaints of excessive force against the department stemming from the 2020 protests but has not staked a public position about the continued use of the 40-millimeter projectiles and other crowd control measures.

With the holiday season fast approaching, most people will be busy seeking out the perfect destination. However, for chief holiday officers (CHOs), trip planning goes well beyond the simple question of “where to go?”. While everyone else is dreaming about sipping cocktails by the pool or taking in the unforgettable vistas from a popular hiking path, CHOs are the ones building the “who’s paid what?” spreadsheets, reading every single review in painstaking detail, and downloading the multitude of apps that will introduce everyone to a wealth of local experiences. Yes, they are the people who thrive on good planning. CHOs love a bit of legwork, get great satisfaction in thinking of the unthinkable, and exude the role of organiser – especially when it comes to putting together a trip to remember.

Hundreds of people have joined protests over the death in police custody of political blogger Albert Ojwang.

A Kenyan police officer has been arrested in connection with the death of Albert Ojwang, a political blogger who died in police custody, in a case that has reignited anger over police abuse and triggered street protests in Nairobi.

Police spokesperson Michael Muchiri said on Friday that a constable had been taken into custody, the AFP news agency reported.

He did not give further information, referring queries to the Independent Policing Oversight Authority (IPOA), which is leading the investigation. There was no immediate comment from the IPOA.

Ojwang, 31, was declared dead on Sunday, two days after his arrest in the town of Homa Bay in western Kenya for allegedly criticising the country’s deputy police chief Eliud Lagat.

The police initially claimed Ojwang fatally injured himself by banging his head against a cell wall, but an autopsy revealed injuries that pathologists said were “unlikely to be self-inflicted”.

The government’s own pathologist found signs of blunt force trauma, neck compression and soft tissue injuries, suggesting an assault. Independent pathologist Bernard Midia, who assisted with the post-mortem, also ruled out suicide.

Amid growing pressure, President William Ruto on Wednesday said Ojwang had died “at the hands of the police”, reversing earlier official accounts of his death.

The incident has added fuel to longstanding allegations of police brutality and extrajudicial killings in Kenya, particularly following last year’s antigovernment demonstrations. Rights groups say dozens were unlawfully detained after the protests, with some still unaccounted for.

Earlier this week, five officers were suspended to allow for what the police described as a “transparent” inquiry.

On Thursday, protesters flooded the streets of the capital, waving Kenyan flags and chanting “Lagat must go”, demanding the resignation of the senior police official Ojwang had criticised.

Ruto on Friday pledged swift action and said that his administration would “protect citizens from rogue police officers”. While Ruto has repeatedly promised to end enforced disappearances and extrajudicial killings, human rights groups accuse his government of shielding security agencies from accountability.

According to IPOA, 20 people have died in police custody in just the past four months. The death of Ojwang, a vocal online critic, has become a symbol of growing public frustration with unchecked police power.

International pressure is mounting, with both the United States and European Union calling for a transparent and independent investigation into Ojwang’s death.

Abraham Márquez, a reporter with the nonprofit investigative news startup Southlander, was filming a tense standoff between Los Angeles County sheriff’s deputies and immigrant rights protesters in Paramount on Saturday night when he saw a deputy aim a “less-lethal” launcher in his direction.

Sensing a confrontation, Márquez said, he raised his press credential and “kept yelling press, press, press,” even as he turned and began running in the opposite direction. He barely made it a few feet before he felt a stinging pain as first one foam round, then another slammed into his buttocks and his back.

“They just unloaded,” he said of the deputies.

He was nearly struck again a short time later, when deputies riding by in an armored vehicle sprayed foam rounds into a gas station parking lot where Márquez and a KTLA-TV news crew had sought cover, he said. He was shaken, but said that he felt compelled to keep reporting.

“I got hit and whatnot but I’m glad I was there to document it,” he said.

The incident was one of dozens in which journalists have been shot with less-lethal police rounds, tear-gassed, shoved and detained while chronicling the ongoing civil unrest and military intervention in the nation’s second-largest city, according to interviews and video footage reviewed by The Times.

The police actions have drawn angry condemnation from public officials and 1st Amendment advocates. There have been multiple reported instances of reporters not only being struck by projectiles, but also having their bags searched, being threatened with arrest and getting blocked from areas where they had a right under state law to observe police activity.

Among those hit by police projectiles were several Times reporters in the course of covering protests in downtown L.A. over the past few days.

The LAPD and L.A. County Sheriff’s Department have faced criticism and lawsuits over their treatment of news media during past crises, but some covering the recent events say the situation has only gotten worse with the inflammatory anti-media messaging coming from the Trump White House.

“The price for free speech should not be this high,” said Arturo Carmona, president and publisher of Caló News, a news site that covers issues that matter to English-speaking Latinos. “Several of our reporters, several of whom are women of color, have been harassed and attacked by law enforcement.”

In one high-profile case, a CNN reporter was briefly detained by officers while doing a live on-air segment.

In another, Australian TV news reporter Lauren Tomasi was shot in the leg by a less-lethal round by an riot gear-clad officer moments after she wrapped up a live on-air segment. The incident became an international affair, with Australian Prime Minister Tony Albanese calling it “horrific.”

L.A. Mayor Karen Bass said it “sends a terrible message,” and several city councilmembers referenced it while grilling LAPD Chief Jim McDonnell on Tuesday about his department’s response to the protests.

In a statement, the Sheriff’s Department said it was reviewing video footage from several incidents involving the news media to determine whether any of its deputies were involved.

The department said it is “committed to maintaining an open and transparent relationship with the media and ensuring that journalists can safely perform their duties, especially during protests, acts of civil disobedience, and public gatherings.”

“Our goal is to support press freedom while upholding public safety and operational integrity,” the statement said.

LAPD Deputy Chief Michael Rimkunas said that two of the roughly 15 complaints the department was investigating as of Tuesday involved possible mistreatment of journalists — a number that is expected to grow in the coming days and weeks.

Rimkunas said the department decided to launch an investigation of the Tomasi incident on its own, but has since been in contact with the Australian consulate.

A coalition of 27 press and civil liberties advocacy groups wrote to U.S. Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem on Tuesday “to express alarm that federal officers may have violated the First Amendment rights of journalists covering recent protests and unrest related to immigration enforcement in the Los Angeles area.”

Multiple journalists who covered the protests told The Times that officers and deputies used physical force or the threat of arrest to remove them from areas where they have a right to be.

In doing so, the journalists said, police were ignoring protections established by state law for journalists covering protests, as well as their own departments’ policies adopted after mass protests after George Floyd’s murder in 2020 and over the clearance of a homeless encampment in Echo Park in 2021.

On Saturday, journalist Ben Camacho was documenting the scene in Paramount, where images of people vandalizing and burning cars dominated the nightly newscasts. Wearing his press pass and with a camera hanging around his neck, he watched in shock as law enforcement opened fire on the crowd with less-lethal munitions, striking Nick Stern, a British news photographer, who crumbled to the ground in front of him.

After helping carry Stern to safety, Camacho said he too was struck by a round in the kneecap.

“I start to screaming pretty much at the top of my lungs,” he said. “It was like a sledgehammer.”

He noted that many people are working on freelance contracts that don’t offer medical insurance, and said officers sometimes brush aside reporters with credentials from smaller independent outlets, which have an important role in monitoring events on the ground.

Some police officials — who were not authorized to speak publicly — said officers try their best to accommodate reporters, but the situation on the street involves split-second decisions in a chaotic environment where they find themselves being attacked. They also contend that journalists from newer outlets or those who primarily post on social media act in adversarial or confrontational ways toward officers.

Los Angeles Press Club Press Rights Chair Adam Rose said he has been collecting examples of officers from local, state and federal agencies violating the rights of journalists — seemingly ignoring the lessons learned and promises made the wake of past protests.

Rose said many of the incidents were documented in videos that journalists themselves posted on social media. As of Wednesday morning, the tally was 43 and counting.

The mistreatment of journalists at the recent protests are part of a “history of ugly treatment by police,” Rose said, which included the 1970 killing of one of the city’s leading Latino media voices, Ruben Salazar, who had been covering a Chicano rights protest when he was struck by a tear-gas canister fired by a sheriff’s deputy.

Even in cases where police abuses are well-documented on video, discipline of the offending officers is rare, Rose said.

With plunging revenues leading to the downsizing of many legacy newsrooms, a new generation of citizen journalists has taken a vital role in covering communities across the country — their reporting is as protected as their mainstream counterparts, he said.

“The reality is police are not the ones who’re allowed to decide who is press,” he said.

Some larger news companies have taken to hiring protective details for their reporters in the field, largely in response to aggressive crowds.

On Saturday, L.A. Daily News reporter Ryanne Mena was struck in the head by a projectile fired by law enforcement during a demonstration in Paramount.

She wasn’t sure whether it was a tear gas canister or less-lethal munition, but said she later sought medical treatment and was diagnosed with a concussion. The day before she was hit in the thigh by another projectile while reporting downtown outside the jail, she said.

Covering a few prior protests had taught her to always be mindful of her surroundings and to “never have my back toward anyone with a weapon.”

“It’s still kind of unbelievable that that happened,” she said of her concussion. “It’s unacceptable that that happened that other journalists were targeted.”

Times staff writers Connor Sheets and David Zahniser contributed to this report.

The type of holidaymaker you (and your travel companions) are can have a big impact on the kind of getaways you’ll enjoy. If you’re the type to pore over endless reviews, book everything in advance and use a spreadsheet to tick off every detail, you’ll have a very different experience to the fly-by-the-seat-of-your-pants type of traveller, who prefers to just grab their passport and see where it takes them, carry-on in hand.

Or perhaps you’re more the flexible type, who likes to plan a few things in advance, but leaves space for spontaneous fun? Or maybe you’re the one who breathes a sigh of relief as your super organised friend hands out colour-coded itineraries at the airport?

We gathered together some of the holiday heroes that bring getaways to life to find out how they do it – and to discover some of the clever ways Barclays can help your holiday go even further, whichever group you belong to.

The chief holiday officer

‘I create a visual itinerary for every trip,’ says Sian Downes, 36

Los Angeles city councilmembers sparred with Police Chief Jim McDonnell Tuesday over the LAPD’s handling of protests against President Trump’s immigration crackdown, with some challenging the department’s relationship with its federal counterparts.

The chief appeared before the council to discuss the LAPD’s attempts to control the protests that have erupted mostly in downtown Los Angeles every day since Friday, sometimes descending into chaos.

Mayor Karen Bass and other local officials have decried both the federal immigration raids that prompted the protests and the vandalism and violence that have broken out at some protests. Over Gov. Gavin Newsom’s objections, the Trump administration has sent the National Guard and Marines to L.A., which Bass lambasted as unnecessary. She said Tuesday that she is considering a curfew for downtown L.A., as the protests showed no sign of abating and Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth announced that the military deployments would last at least 60 days.

McDonnell told the City Council that his officers arrested 114 people at protests Monday night — 53 for failure to disperse and 15 for looting. One person was arrested for assault with a deadly weapon on an officer and another was arrested for attempted murder. The LAPD arrested 27 people at protests on Saturday and 40 on Sunday.

In the testiest exchange of the afternoon, Councilmember Imelda Padilla asked the chief if the LAPD would consider warning city officials if it hears from federal law enforcement that immigration raids are coming.

“You’re asking me to warn you about an enforcement action being taken by another agency before it happens? We can’t do that,” McDonnell responded, noting that such a warning would amount to obstruction of justice.

“That would be completely inappropriate and illegal,” he said.

City Council President Marqueece Harris-Dawson said he disagreed with the chief on referring to agencies like U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement as “law enforcement partners.”

“If we know somebody is coming here to do warrantless abductions of the residents of this city, those are not our partners,” he said. “I don’t care what badge they have on or whose orders they’re under. They’re not our partners.”

In an interview after the meeting, McDonnell said his department must continue to cooperate with federal agencies on issues other than immigration enforcement. Since 1979, the LAPD has taken a strong stance against enforcing federal immigration law, prohibiting its officers from initiating contact with anyone for the sole purpose of learning their immigration status.

“All of the crimes we investigate, potentially could be in partnership with [federal agencies],” McDonnell said. “It is a partnership, and without that partnership, we wouldn’t be able to go into the World Cup, the Olympics … that require that we work with federal, state and local partners.”

Other councilmembers took aim at the chief over his officers’ shooting of rubber bullets during the protests.

“To see a reporter get shot with a rubber bullet … on live television does not add to the de-escalation,” said Councilmember Hugo Soto-Martínez, referring to an Australian reporter who was shot during a protest on Sunday. “We have to be mindful of the tactics being used by some LAPD members that is adding to the escalation.”

“Just like a few protesters can take away from the messaging, the same thing can be said about LAPD. It overshadows the response,” he added.

Councilmember Eunisses Hernandez said that some LAPD officers acted “out of line for the situation.”

“I have lawyers posting videos of them getting shot,” she said. “I’ve seen videos of non-lethals being fired at protesters more than 50 yards away.”

McDonnell replied that the LAPD is the best department in the country at holding its officers’ accountable for their actions. But he said he couldn’t speak about specific uses of force by his officers at the protests, since the situation was still developing.

On Tuesday, City Councilmembers Tim McOsker, Ysabel Jurado and Eunisses Hernandez signed a proposal asking various city agencies to provide information on the security infrastructure to “prevent unlawful entry by federal entities” at City Hall, council offices, public service counters, city-owned parking lots and other facilities.

“As this Federal political theater plays out, the safety of City facilities must be given special consideration for the sake of both City employees and the public,” the proposal said.

A phalanx of police officers on horseback surround a person who has been knocked to the ground and repeatedly pummeled with batons.

An Australian TV news reporter winces in pain as she’s shot by a rubber bullet while wrapping up a live broadcast.

A crowd milling above the 101 Freeway lobs rocks and chunks of concrete down on California Highway Patrol officers detaining protesters, prompting a volley of flash-bang grenades.

Those incidents and others captured on video have gone viral in recent days as immigration protests reached a boiling point in Los Angeles.

Leaders at the LAPD and the Los Angeles County Sheriff’s Department have long maintained that they have no role in civil immigration enforcement. And yet the region’s two largest police agencies are suddenly on the front lines of the Trump administration’s crackdown, clashing in the street with demonstrators — most peaceful and some seemingly intent on causing mayhem.

Waymo taxis burn on Los Angeles Street as thousands protest ICE immigration raids throughout the city.

(Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times)

LAPD Chief Jim McDonnell condemned the actions of those carrying out the “disgusting” violence.

“This thing has gotten out of control,” McDonnell said at a news conference Sunday when asked whether he supported President Trump’s deployment of National Guard troops. After news broke Monday that the president was sending hundreds of Marines to the city, McDonnell said that without “clear coordination,” adding more soldiers to the mix creates “a significant logistical and operational challenge for those of us charged with safeguarding this city.”

Sheriff Robert Luna told The Times that deputies are prepared to support federal agents in certain circumstances — even as the department maintains its official policy of not assisting with immigration operations.

“They start getting attacked and they call and ask us for help, we’re going to respond,” Luna said.

Both publicly and behind the scenes, the situation has led to tensions with Los Angeles officials who have questioned whether local law enforcement is crossing the line with aggressive crowd control tactics — or being put in a lose-lose situation by Trump, who has cast blame on the LAPD chief and others for not doing enough.

“The federal government has put everybody in the city, and law enforcement in particular, in a really messed up situation,” said City Council President Marqueece Harris-Dawson. “They started a riot, and then they said, ‘Well, you can’t handle the riot, so we’re sending in the military.’”

Los Angeles police officers push back protesters near a federal building in downtown Los Angeles on Monday.

(Jason Armond / Los Angeles Times)

The LAPD said in a statement that officers made a combined 50 arrests on Saturday and Sunday, mostly for failure to obey a dispersal order. They also arrested a man who allegedly rammed a motorcycle into a skirmish line of officers, and another for attempted murder with a Molotov cocktail.

Five officers were injured while policing the protests, the department said, while five police horses also suffered minor injuries. The department said officers fired more than 600 so-called less lethal rounds to quell hostile crowds.

Although the LAPD has changed the way it handles protests in recent years — moving away from some of the heavy-handed tactics that drew widespread criticism in the past — the city still pays out millions for crowd control-related lawsuits every year.

As of Monday, Internal Affairs had opened investigations into seven complaints of officer misconduct, including the shooting of the Australian TV news reporter, said LAPD Deputy Chief Michael Rimkunas, who runs the department’s professional standards bureau.

Additionally, he said, the department’s Force Investigations Division, which reviews all serious uses of force, was investigating two incidents “because of possible significant injury,” including one incident in which a protester was struck in the head with a rubber bullet.

“We’re continuing to review video and monitor the situation,” he said.

The high-profile incidents caught on video — combined with mixed messaging by L.A. officials — have created opportunities for the White House to control the narrative.

On Saturday, Mayor Karen Bass told reporters that the protests were under control, while the LAPD chief publicly lamented that his department was overwhelmed by the outbursts of violence. Trump seized on those comments, writing in a post on Truth Social that the situation in Los Angeles was “looking really bad.”

“Jim McDonnell, the highly respected LAPD Chief, just stated that the protesters are getting very much more aggressive, and that he would ‘have to reassess the situation,’ as it pertains to bringing in the troops,” Trump wrote on the right-wing social media platform shortly after midnight on Monday. “He should, RIGHT NOW!!! Don’t let these thugs get away with this. MAKE AMERICA GREAT AGAIN!!!”

Protesters clash with police downtown near the VA Outpatient Clinic on Sunday in Los Angeles.

(Luke Johnson / Los Angeles Times)

On the streets over the weekend, local cops often found themselves playing defense while confronting unruly crowds.

Cmdr. Oscar Barragan in the L.A. County Sheriff’s Department’s Special Operations Division described the scene Sunday when his unit responded to a protest near a Home Depot in Panorama. While rumors of a raid targeting migrant workers at the store spread on social media, Barragan said the real issue was a federal immigration office nearby that was being used as a staging area.

“Social media took over and a false narrative started growing and it just grew out of control,” he said.

Barragan said there were “people launching mortars at us and rocks and things” as the scrum moved west toward the 710 Freeway and the Compton border. He said some people put nails and cinder blocks in the street trying to block the police response.

“It got pretty hairy,” Barragan said. “They just kept launching every type of firework you can imagine and it was consistent.”

He said local law enforcement tolerates protests — but has to step up to restore order when things start to get out of hand.

“The sheriff has made it clear that we allow the peaceful protests to occur, but once violence occurs we’re not gonna tolerate it,” he said.

On Sunday outside the Metropolitan Detention Center, a group of roughly 100 protesters spent hours chiding California National Guard members and Department of Homeland Security officers near the entrance to the immigration jail, calling them “Nazis” and urging them to defy orders and defend the public instead of a building.

At one point, a Homeland Security officer approached one of the more vocal demonstrators and said he “didn’t want a repeat” of Saturday’s violence, urging protesters to stay off federal property and clear a path for any vehicles that needed to enter. But around 1 p.m. on Sunday, guardsmen with riot shields moved to the front of the law enforcement phalanx on Alameda and charged into the protest crowd, screaming “push” as they rammed into people. They launched tear gas canisters and smoke grenades into the street, leaving a toxic cloud in the air.

A protester is hurt near the 101 Freeway in clashes with law enforcement in downtown Los Angeles on Sunday.

(Jason Armond / Los Angeles Times)

It left an enraged crowd of protesters, who had otherwise been peaceful all morning, for the LAPD to contend with.

After National Guard troops and Homeland Security officers retreated to the loading dock, LAPD officers found themselves in an hours-long back and forth with protesters on Alameda. Officers used batons, less lethal launchers and tear gas to slowly force the crowd of hundreds back toward Temple Street, with limited success.

The LAPD repeatedly issued dispersal orders from a helicopter and a patrol car loudspeaker. Some members of the crowd hurled water bottles and glass bottles at officers, and the windshield of a department vehicle shattered after it was struck by a projectile.

One officer grabbed a sign from a protester who was standing near a skirmish line, broke it in half and then swung a baton into the demonstrator’s legs. Another officer was seen by a Times reporter repeatedly raising his launcher and aiming at the heads of demonstrators.

In one particularly wild moment, two people riding motorcycles inched their way to the front of the protest crowd, revving their engines and drawing cheers. At some point, they got close to the LAPD’s skirmish line and skidded out.

Both were handcuffed and led away, their feet dragging across asphalt covered in shattered glass and spent rubber bullets. LAPD later alleged at least one of the motorcyclists rammed officers.

The tensions spilled into Monday.

City workers repair broken windows on Spring Street at Police Headquarters.

(Robert Gauthier / Los Angeles Times)

At police headquarters, where city workers were spotted boarding up the ground-level windows, a row of officers in riot gear began assembling outside. With some government offices urging their employees to work from home, the surrounding streets were emptier than usual. Those who came downtown kept their heads down as they hustled past the now-ubiquitous “F— ICE” graffiti.

Gov. Gavin Newsom said Monday afternoon that Trump had ordered another 2,000 National Guard troops to the city, doubling the previous total. In response, the governor said, he had worked with other law enforcement agencies on a “surge” of an additional 800 state and local law enforcement officers “to ensure the safety of our LA communities.”

McDonnell said at a news conference that the department was seeking to strike a balance between “dealing with civil unrest on the streets, [while] at the same time trying to protect peaceful protests.”

Some community leaders were left deeply unsatisfied with the police response.

Eddie Anderson, a pastor at McCarty Memorial Christian Church in Jefferson Park, argued that the LAPD was effectively doing the work of protecting Trump’s immigration agents.

“We asked them to pick a side: Are they going to pick the side of the federal government, which is trying to rip apart families?” Anderson said. “Donald Trump would like nothing more than for Angelenos to resort to violence to try to fight the federal government, because his whole scheme is to try to show L.A. is a lawless place.”

Times staff writers David Zahniser and Matthew Ormseth contributed to this report.

June 6 (UPI) — Former Washington, D.C., Police Intelligence Chief Lt. Shane Lamond got 18 months in a federal prison Friday for obstructing an investigation by lying regarding contact he had with Proud Boys leader Enrique Tarrio.

Lamond leaked information to Tarrio that he was being investigated and then lied about doing that, according to prosecutors.

Lamond was convicted of one count of obstructing justice and three counts of making false statements to federal law enforcement.

Judge Amy B. Jackson said Lamond showed no real contrition for his actions.

“The entire attitude throughout has been, ‘How dare they bring these charges!,” Jackson said.

Lamond attorney Mark Schamel urged Judge Jackson to not incarcerate Lamond. He told the judge he fundamentally disagrees with her about the facts in the case.

He said Lamond’s destroyed police career should be enough punishment.

The investigation into Lamond’s communication with Tarrio revealed hundreds of message exchanges that included encrypted Telegram messages.

Lamond contended they were intended to gather intelligence on extremist groups.

Tarrio was pardoned for his federal conviction by President Donald Trump, who also pardoned hundreds of other people convicted in connection with the violent pro-Trump attack on the U.S. Capitol Jan. 6, 2021.

Tarrio was sentenced to 22 years in prison for seditious conspiracy, but Trump freed him with a presidential pardon.

Tarrio testified for Lamond and urged Trump to pardon the D.C. police officer.

When Lamond was convicted in December 2024, U.S. Attorney Matthew Graves said in a statement, “As proven at trial, Lamond turned his job on its head-providing confidential information to a source, rather than getting information from him-lied about the conduct, and obstructed an investigation into the source.”

WASHINGTON — Kilmar Abrego Garcia, whose mistaken deportation to El Salvador became a political flashpoint in the Trump administration’s stepped-up immigration enforcement, was being returned to the United States to face criminal charges related to what the Trump administration said was a massive human smuggling operation that brought immigrants into the country illegally.

He is expected to be prosecuted in the U.S. and, if convicted, will be returned to his home country in El Salvador at the conclusion of the case, officials said Friday.

“This is what American justice looks like,” Atty. Gen. Pam Bondi said Friday in announcing the return of Abrego Garcia and the criminal charges.

The charges stem from a 2022 vehicle stop in which the Tennessee Highway Patrol suspected him of human trafficking. A report released by the Department of Homeland Security in April states that none of the people in the vehicle had luggage, while they listed the same address as Abrego Garcia.

Abrego Garcia was never charged with a crime, and the officers allowed him to drive on with only a warning about an expired driver’s license, according to the Homeland Security report. The report said he was traveling from Texas to Maryland, via Missouri, to bring in people to perform construction work.

In response to the report’s release in April, Abrego Garcia’s wife said in a statement that he sometimes transported groups of workers between job sites, “so it’s entirely plausible he would have been pulled over while driving with others in the vehicle. He was not charged with any crime or cited for any wrongdoing.”

The Trump administration has been publicizing Abrego Garcia’s interactions with police over the years, despite a lack of corresponding criminal charges, while it faces a federal court order and calls from some in Congress to return him to the U.S.

Authorities in Tennessee released video of a 2022 traffic stop last month. The body-camera footage shows a calm and friendly exchange with Tennessee Highway Patrol officers.

Officers then discussed among themselves their suspicions of human trafficking because nine people were traveling without luggage. One of the officers said, “He’s hauling these people for money.” Another said he had $1,400 in an envelope.

An attorney for Abrego Garcia, Simon Sandoval-Moshenberg, said in a statement after the footage’s release in May that he saw no evidence of a crime in the released footage.

“But the point is not the traffic stop — it’s that Mr. Abrego Garcia deserves his day in court,” Sandoval-Moshenberg said.

The move comes days after the Trump administration complied with a court order to return a Guatemalan man deported to Mexico despite his fears of being harmed there. The man, identified in court papers as O.C.G, was the first person known to have been returned to U.S. custody after deportation since the start of President Trump’s second term.

You might consider yourself a seasoned traveller, somebody who obsessively plans holidays down to fanatically pinned maps and destination-appropriate music playlists. But even the most globetrotting gadabout can fall prey to poor money management.

Simple mistakes such as failing to gen up on exchange rates or pressing the wrong currency button on a foreign ATM can result in you leaking cash that could be spent splurging on a ritzier hotel room or trading in a beer for a jazzed-up martini.

From using the best bank card to maximising reward benefits, here’s how having a savvy approach to your money while overseas is the secret to stress-free travel.

1 Pack the right plastic

It’s all too easy when sitting on the beach, piña colada in hand, to forget that every time you tap your debit card on that contactless terminal, you could be charged between 2.75% and 2.99% of the transaction value of whatever you’re buying, depending on the card provider. Every coffee, every snack, every bus trip you pay for, it’ll all mount up until you’re left with a monster bill by the end of the holiday.

The best option? Switching to a fee-free credit card such as the Barclaycard Rewards card*, which is 100% fee-free for purchases and ATM withdrawals.

*Representative example. 28.9% APR representative (variable); purchase rate 28.9% p.a. (variable); based on a £1,200 credit limit. The approval of your application depends on financial circumstances and borrowing history, so do the terms you may be offered. The interest rates may differ from those shown. T&Cs apply.

2 Protect yourself against fraud

Holidays relax people. That’s their USP. They offer a guard-lowering calm, making us brave enough to Macarena away until the small hours – but this also means we may share bank details over unsecured networks in hotel lobbies, or fail to notice somebody hovering over our shoulder, quietly taking down our card details.

For your peace of mind, Barclays has fraud protection systems that are in place 24/7 to protect your account. If they spot something suspicious, you’ll be alerted straight away.

And if you misplace your card, you can freeze it in the app so that nobody can use it until you find it. Even better, if you report your card lost or stolen while you’re abroad, Barclays will arrange for emergency cash to reach you within three days. They’ll also send a replacement card to your home address.

3 Set a daily budget

Ah, the wretched B-word. But allocating yourself a predetermined allowance each day will leave you with more money as your trip reaches its denouement, ensuring you end your vacay on a high note. A rough yardstick is to estimate how much you’ll be spending on costs such as food, accommodation, transport and activities, and adding an extra 30% on for extras/emergencies. Then divide it by the number of travel days to arrive at a daily limit.

Other belt-tightening measures include skipping lunch by filling your boots with the hotel breakfast buffet, seeking out street food, or scouring the reviews/social media to find a restaurant on the backstreets away from the tourist zones, which could slash your bill and deliver a much more authentic experience.

To help you budget like a pro, set up a savings goal¹ in the Barclays app¹, or turn on the spending alert so you can stay on top of your balance at all times.

4 Avoid pesky foreign transaction fees

Foreign holidays are rarely ever cashless experiences: having some local coins and notes is essential. However, charges at international ATMs can be eye-wateringly expensive: as high as £14.95 when taking out £250 on your credit card, according to a comparison site (tip: always select “without conversion”).

Sidestep that with a fee-free card such as the Barclaycard Rewards credit card*, where ATM withdrawals can be made without any extra fees.

Also, never leave it until the last minute to get foreign currency from an airport bureau de change. The “walk up” exchange rates at these desks tend to err on the pricey side: ordering the money you need online through your bank before travelling will be at much more wallet-friendly rates. Plus – if they’re like Barclays – the cash could be delivered to your home free of charge² too.

_*Representative example: 28.9% APR representative (variable); purchase rate 28.9% p.a. (variable); based on a £1,200 credit limit. The approval of your application depends on your financial circumstances and borrowing history, so do the terms you may be offered. The interest rates may differ from those shown. T&Cs apply.

5 Make clever currency choices

It’s a dilemma we’ve all faced on holiday. After finishing dinner, the waiter brandishes a card reader, asking: “Do you want to pay in local currency or pounds sterling?”

Generally, the best advice is to pay or withdraw in the local currency, as it’ll mean your UK bank will calculate the conversion rate. Opt to pay in pounds and the local bank will do the conversion – usually at less favourable rates.

6 Invest in travel insurance

The safety net of travel insurance might make common sense (we’ve all read horror stories about British holidaymakers who failed to get it, then forked out thousands of pounds for a medically-assisted flight home, right?), but ploughing through endless comparison sites to find the right quote isn’t fun.

In many cases, it’s best to take heed from experts. The Barclays Travel Plus Pack³ (£22.50 a month) was named a Which? Best Buy travel insurance in June 2024. The policy was lauded for its £10,000 missed departure cover and being one of the few policies to cover pandemics.

As with all travel insurance, always check the details. Some policies may not include children or pre-existing medical conditions; others won’t include extreme sports such as bungee jumping, parkour or tightrope-walking.

7 Use the tech at your disposal

Travelling to the EU or US this summer? Then consider Barclays travel wallet⁴ (available via the Barclays app⁵), which enables you to buy Euros and US dollars before travelling – which you can then spend with your regular debit card while away. Because you’ve purchased the currencies already, you’ll enjoy fee-free transactions during your trip too⁶.

Then, once you’ve arrived back home, you won’t be saddled with lots of coins destined to end up in a drawer, because Barclays will buy back any foreign currency left over at 0% commission.

To find out more about keeping on top of your travel finances with Barclays, visit barclays.co.uk/travel/

_{1 You must have a Barclays or Barclaycard account, have a mobile number and be aged 16 or over to use the Barclays app. Terms and conditions apply.}

_{2 £2,500 is the maximum amount that can be ordered and delivered to an individual residential address in a 90-day period. Please note, you cannot exceed £5,000 per person within a 90-day period.}

_{3 Terms, conditions, exclusions and eligibility criteria apply. You must have a Barclays current account, be 18 or over and hold this product for at least six months from the date of purchase – then you can cancel at any time.}

_{4 T&Cs apply. You need to be 16 years or over to access this product or service using the app.}

_{5 You must be 11 or over to use the app. T&Cs apply.}

_{6 No transaction fees apply when paying with Euros and US dollars from your travel wallet. There is a 2.75% margin applied when purchasing your currency. If you pay in British pounds on your debit card while abroad, a transaction fee will still apply.}

The excitement of setting off on holiday can’t be beaten. But it’s not without its stresses – long lines at security, airport parking and currency confusion can all create a hectic start to a trip. However, a few key tricks can make all the difference to your travels, and allow you to kick off your trip in style. Here’s how you can upgrade your own holiday.

Maximise your cash by earning points

If there’s one thing you can be sure of, it’s that going on holiday is going to cost you money. But whether you’re planning a budget city break or a once-in-a-lifetime adventure, it always pays to think about how you can make your everyday spending work for you. One of the best ways to do this is by getting a credit card that allows you to accumulate points as you spend.

For example, the Barclaycard Avios Plus credit card* gives you 25,000 Avios – the currency of the British Airways Club – if you spend £3,000 in your first three months, and 1.5 Avios for each pound you spend on eligible purchases (all for a £20 monthly fee). How you spend your Avios is up to you. You could use them on flights to your next dream holiday or on extras such as cabin upgrades, hotels, car hire, experiences, and more. Alternatively, if you are a Barclays Premier Banking¹ customer, Barclays Avios Rewards² can help you collect at least 1,500 Avios every month, and offers perks such as an Airport Lounge Membership with Assurant and DragonPass. You could also receive a 25,000 Avios joining bonus³ if you’re opening your first account and complete a full switch using the Current Account Switch Service within three months. And if you regularly fly with British Airways or partner airlines, keep an eye on your current Avios balance – it might already be higher than you think!

*Representative example. 80.1% APR representative (variable); purchase rate 29.9% p.a. (variable); based on a £1,200 credit limit; monthly fee, £20. The approval of your application depends on financial circumstances and borrowing history, so do the terms you may be offered. The interest rates may differ from those shown. T&Cs apply.

Optimise your airport experience

There’s no denying that airports can be stressful at peak times, but with a bit of planning, you can make the whole experience a lot more enjoyable. Alleviate pre-departure panic by booking your airport parking as far in advance as possible, and weigh up the benefits versus the cost – for example, if you’re taking off very early in the morning, paying for a parking space closer to the terminal might be well worth the extra money. Or, sometimes it’s worth taking public transport the night before and staying at one of the airport hotels. Not only can it end up working out cheaper, but starting your trip round the corner (and with a fry-up in your belly) drastically reduces any travel stress.

The airport chaos of 2022 taught us the value of arriving early to get through security, but one surefire way to eliminate any stress is to buy a fast-track pass and glide right past those lines. The majority of airports sell these in advance on their websites, with discounts the earlier you book.

If you really want to kick off a trip in style, the airport lounge is the way to go. While some airline lounges are only for their customers, most airports have general lounges that you can book. They are, however, more expensive when bought on arrival, so purchase a pass in advance for the best rate. Lounge access also comes as a perk with some credit cards and bank accounts – for a monthly fee, Barclays Travel Plus Pack⁴ (£22.50 a month) includes six annual visits to more than 1,000 airport lounges with the DragonPass Premier+ app⁵, as well as discounts on fast-track security and airport parking.

If you have a Barclaycard Avios Plus credit card* or Barclays Avios Rewards you will also get Airport Lounge Membership, so you can enjoy discounts on lounge passes and fast-track security.

_*Representative example. 80.1% APR representative (variable); purchase rate 29.9% p.a. (variable); based on a £1,200 credit limit; monthly fee, £20. The approval of your application depends on your financial circumstances and borrowing history, so do the terms you may be offered. The interest rates may differ from those shown. T&Cs apply.

Understanding your currency

Even though contactless payments and card machines are now found all over the world, sorting out currency ahead of a trip can still cause confusion. In some countries, such as Japan, for example, cash is still king, so you’ll need to order your currency in advance. But in places where card payments are accepted, it’s usually easier to stick to them (plus, you’ll avoid the inconvenience of coming home with currency that’s too pricey to bother exchanging back into the pound).

There’s often confusion about exchange rates and fees when using cards internationally, but using something such as the Barclays travel wallet⁶ keeps things nice and easy. You simply create a travel wallet within your own account and buy Euros or US dollars, ready to spend on your existing debit card⁷.

Balance planning with spontaneity

For some people, the process of planning a trip is almost as exciting as being on holiday – looking up the best local restaurants, finding the coolest coffee shops and planning which beaches to hit. If that sounds like you, scope out some of the reliable local influencers, search the location-tagged photos on Instagram and read up on some of your favourite travel publications. If you’d like a helping hand, the Barclays Travel Plus Pack also includes a 24/7 concierge service, for help with booking flights, hotels and events, with exclusive discounts too.

However much you plan in advance, be sure to allow a little room for spontaneity. Sometimes the best find is the one that comes from a chat in the local coffee shop, where someone tells you about a cool craft beer spot. Or the market only the locals know about that you stumble upon on a walk.

Set your (realistic) budget

It’s hardly the most exciting part of organising a holiday, but working out your budget is important nonetheless. Be realistic about how you want to spend your time and how much it will cost – for example, if you love spending the day on a sun lounger with a cocktail in hand, an all-inclusive trip may work out the best in terms of value. Once you’ve worked out how much you want to put aside, you can make use of savings tools offered by your bank – Barclays has a savings goal⁸ on its app⁹, so you can keep on track.

One thing you don’t want to skimp on is travel insurance, even on a trip within the UK. Get good insurance and you’ll be covered for everything from missing bags to flight cancellations and delays, which is a big reassurance when you’re spending thousands of pounds on a holiday. The Barclays Travel Plus Pack was named a Which? Best buy in June 2024, so you can enjoy your holiday without worrying, knowing that you’re in safe hands. It also includes complete breakdown cover in the UK and Europe, so you can take a road trip safe in the knowledge that you’re covered if you break down.

To find out more about Barclays travel perks, visit barclays.co.uk/travel/

_{1 Join Premier Banking by opening a Premier Current Account. You also need a gross annual income of at least £75,000 paid into the account, or a total balance of at least £100,000 in savings with Barclays, in eligible investments, or a mix of both.}

_{2 You can opt in to Barclays Avios Rewards if you’re a Premier Banking customer or have a personal wealth current account with Barclays – you’ll need to register for the Barclays app and have a British Airways Club account too. There’s a £12 monthly fee and you have to opt out of Barclays Blue Rewards and go paperless for all your accounts and services with Barclays. To access Barclays Avios Rewards in the Barclays app, you need to be over 18. You can join Premier Banking if you have an income of £75,000 or £100,000 to save or invest with Barclays. T&Cs apply.}

_{3 To qualify for the 25,000 Avios joining bonus, you’ll need to join Barclays Avios Rewards – within four months of opening your first Barclays current account. Then, you’ll need to complete a full switch of your old current account to Barclays, using the Current Account Switch Service – within three months of joining Barclays Avios Rewards. You will then receive your joining bonus in the fourth month of Barclays Avios Rewards membership.}

_{4 Terms, conditions, exclusions and eligibility criteria apply. You must have a Barclays current account, be 18 or over and hold this product for at least six months from the date of purchase – then you can cancel at any time.}

_{5 Terms and conditions apply for the DragonPass Premier+ app and fast-track security.}

_{6 T&Cs apply. You need to be 16 years or over to access this product or service using the app.}

_{7 No transaction fees apply when paying with Euros and US dollars from your travel wallet. There is a 2.75% margin applied when purchasing your currency. If you pay in British pounds on your debit card while abroad, a transaction fee will still apply.}

_{8 You must have a Barclays or Barclaycard account, have a mobile number and be aged 16 or over to use the Barclays app. T&Cs apply.}

_{9 You must be 11 or over to use the app. T&Cs apply.}

Tears flowed from Freddie Freeman as he sat in a Dodger Stadium interview room Aug. 5 and described the arduous recovery his 3-year-old son Max was making from a rare neurological condition in which the body’s immune system attacks the nerves.

Max had returned home from a five-night stay at Children’s Hospital Orange County, and Freeman was back in the Dodgers lineup after missing eight games to be with his family during the ordeal.

Two months later, the Dodgers were playing host to the New York Mets in the National League Championship Series. A police officer approached Freeman’s wife, Chelsea, to ask how Max was doing.

A photograph of Officer Samuel Riveros provided by the Baldwin Police Department.

(Baldwin Police Department.)

The officer, Samuel Riveros of the Baldwin Park Police Dept., smiled and handed her a police patch to give to Max.

Riveros was killed Saturday in Baldwin Park when a gunman fatally shot him in the head while Riveros was rushing to the aid of a fellow officer who also had been shot, a law enforcement source with knowledge of the investigation told The Times.

Chelsea Freeman related meeting Riveros on her Instagram Stories and offered her family’s condolences.

“Our hearts are heavy hearing of his passing this week,” she posted. “We met during the Dodgers/Mets playoffs. He came up to me, asked how my son Max was doing and handed me his police patch to give to him.

“A small gesture that meant so much.”

Freddie Freeman was a World Series hero for the Dodgers in 2024, hitting a walk-off grand slam to win Game 1 against the New York Yankees. He is off to a hot start in 2025, currently leading the NL with a .368 batting average.

Riveros had been a Baldwin Park officer since 2016, joined the agency’s SWAT team in 2019, and had recently become a field training officer, which in a statement the agency called a “testament to his leadership and mentorship.”

Riveros was known for his devotion to the Dodgers, even traveling to the stadiums of opposing teams to watch them play, according to Baldwin Park Police Chief Robert A. López.

“Officer Riveros gave his life in service to others, a profound testament to his unwavering dedication to duty and selfless courage,” the Los Angeles Sheriff’s Dept. wrote in a statement. “His loss is profoundly felt — not only by his family and colleagues, but by the entire Baldwin Park community and law enforcement family.”

Eduardo Roberto Medina-Berumen, 22, was arrested on suspicion of murder and is being held in lieu of $4 million bail, according to the Sheriff’s Department. He lives with his mother at the Baldwin Park address on Filhurst Avenue, where gunfire erupted Saturday night, a source said.

“This tragic shooting is a sobering reminder of the danger our first responders face when they answer the call,” Dist. Atty. Nathan Hochman said in a statement.

Los Angeles County is poised to pay nearly $2.7 million to a teenager whose violent beating at a juvenile hall launched a sprawling criminal investigation into so-called “gladiator fights” inside the troubled facility.

Video of the December 2023 beating, captured on CCTV, showed Jose Rivas Barillas, then 16, being pummeled by six juveniles at Los Padrinos Juvenile Hall as probation officers stood idly by. Each youth attacked Rivas Barillas for a few seconds before returning to breakfast. Two officers, later identified as longtime probation officials Taneha Brooks and Shawn Smyles, laughed and shook hands, encouraging the brawl.

“What made this unique is the video,” said Rivas Barillas’ attorney, Jamal Tooson, who said his client suffered a broken nose and traumatic brain injury. “The entire world got to witness the brutality that’s taking place with our children at the hands of the Los Angeles County Probation Department.”

The video, first reported by The Times, prompted a criminal investigation by the state attorney general’s office, which later charged 30 probation officers — including Brooks and Smyles — with allowing and encouraging fights among teens inside county juvenile halls. California Atty. Gen. Rob Bonta referred to the coordinated brawls as “gladiator fights” and said his office’s CCTV review had turned up 69 such fights during the chaotic first six months after the hall opened in July 2023.

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Footage obtained by the L.A. Times shows a December 2023 incident in which staffers can be seen allowing at least six youths to hit and kick a 17-year-old.

On Tuesday, the Board of Supervisors will vote on whether to approve the $2.67-million settlement to Rivas Barillas and his mother, Heidi Barillas Lemus.

According to a public summary of the “corrective action plan” that the Probation Department must produce before a large settlement, officials failed to review CCTV video of the fight and waited too long to transport the teen to a hospital and notify his family.

CCTV monitors are now “staffed routinely,” and officials are working on conducting random audits of the recordings, according to the plan. A spokesperson for the Probation Department did not respond to a request for comment.

Immediately after Rivas Barillas arrived at the Downey juvenile hall, Brooks demanded to know his gang affiliation, according to the claim filed with the county. Brooks said she had heard that Rivas Barillas, who is Latino, was from the “Canoga” gang and that she “hoped he could fight” before directing the other juveniles, all of whom were Black, to attack him in the day room, the claim stated.

After the video made headlines, accounts of teens forced by probation officers to fight have trickled out of Los Padrinos. A teen told The Times in March that officers at Los Padrinos rewarded him with a fast-food “bounty” — In-N-Out, Jack in the Box, McDonald’s — if he beat up kids who misbehaved. The teenager, who had previously been housed in the same unit as Rivas Barillas, said staffers would also organize fights when someone arrived who was thought to be affiliated with a gang that didn’t get along with the youths inside.

“We get a new kid, he’s from the hood. We have other hoods in here. We’re going to get all the fights out of the way,” he said at the time. “They were just setting it up to control the situation.”

Another teenager, identified in court filings as John (Lohjk) Doe, alleged in a lawsuit filed in February that soon after arriving at Los Padrinos in 2024, he was escorted by an officer to the day room. The officer, identified only by the surname Santos, told a youth inside the day room that “you have eleven (11) seconds” and watched as the youth attacked Doe, according to the lawsuit.

On another occasion, the same officer threatened to pepper-spray Doe if he didn’t fight another youth for 20 seconds. The teens who fought were rewarded with extra television and more time out of their cells, the suit alleged.

After the teen told a female officer about the two coordinated brawls, he was transferred to solitary confinement, the suit alleged.

Times staff writer James Queally contributed to this report.

Actor Jonathan Joss, whose varied career notably included roles on “King of the Hill” and “Parks and Recreation,” has died. He was killed Sunday in a shooting in San Antonio, according to police.

According to an incident report shared with The Times, officers responded Sunday evening to a shooting at the 200 block of Dorsey Drive where they found Joss near the roadway. First responders “attempted life saving measures” until EMS officers arrived. He was pronounced dead at the scene, police said. He was 59.

Police did not disclose details about what led to the shooting, but said officers found and arrested the alleged shooter. Sigfredo Alvarez Ceja, 56, was booked Monday morning on suspicion of murder. His bond is set at $200,000, according to TMZ, which broke the news of Joss’ death.

The Times could not reach a legal representative for Alvarez Ceja. San Antonio police said it is investigating the shooting.

The actor’s husband, Tristan Kern de Gonzales, alleged in a Facebook post shared Monday that he and Joss suffered “openly homophobic” harassment and threats prior to the fatal shooting, which he claimed was also motivated by homophobia. Gonzales wrote that he and Joss had returned Sunday the site of the actor’s San Antonio home — which burned down in January — to check their mail. The actor also lost three dogs in the fire. The men “discovered the skull of one of our dogs and its harness placed in clear view” and “began yelling and crying in response to the pain of what we saw,” Gonzales wrote.

A man approached them, “started yelling violent homophobic slurs” and “raised a gun from his lap and fired,” Gonzales wrote. He said Joss pushed him out of the way, saving his life, and added that his husband “was murdered by someone who could not stand the sight of two men loving each other.”

“I was with him when he passed,” he wrote. “I told him how much he was loved.”

Joss, born December 1965, is best known for voicing John Redcorn, Hank Hill’s neighbor on the hit Fox animated series “King of the Hill.” Joss lent his voice to the series from 1997 to 2009, taking over from original voice actor Victor Aaron. He also voiced John Redcorn for the show’s video game tie-in in 2000.

Joss spoke about his ties to his longtime character in April as he lamented not being invited to an event promoting the “King of the Hill” revival. Hulu announced Friday that Season 14 of “King of the Hill” will premiere in August. The voice cast touts Mike Judge, Kathy Najimy, Pamela Adlon, Johnny Hardwick, Stephen Root, Lauren Tom, and Toby Huss. Joss recorded lines for the revival prior to his death, according to Variety.

“This show was a part of my life for many years,” he wrote on Facebook. “That character, that voice, that story…they were my home, my pride, my connection to something bigger than myself.”

Joss, who studied acting at Our Lady of the Lake University, began acting in the mid-1990s with minor roles in TV projects including “Walker, Texas Ranger” and the miniseries “Dead Man’s Walk.”

In addition to “King of the Hill,” Joss is known for portraying Wamapoke elder and casino owner Chief Ken Hotate in NBC’s “Parks and Recreation,” where he appeared alongside star Amy Poehler. In the series, Joss’ Ken dissuades Poehler’s peppy protagonist Leslie Knope from hosting a local festival on sacred burial grounds.

“There are two things I know about white people,” he jokes in the series. “They love Matchbox Twenty and they are terrified of curses.”

His television credits also include the Paramount+ drama “Tulsa King,” “Ray Donovan,” “Friday Night Lights,” “ER” and “Charmed.”

Joss’ resumé includes films “The Magnificent Seven,” “True Grit” and “8 Seconds,” among others. He also lent his voice to several video games, including “Red Dead Redemption,” “Days Gone,” “Wasteland 3” and “Cyberpunk 2077.”

The actor embarked on several fan events, including meet-and-greets and Q&As, in the months before his death. On Sunday morning, he recalled meeting fans at Tribe Comics and Games in Austin: “Last night’s gig was amazing — huge thanks to everyone who came out and showed us love!” In the same post, Joss told followers he was seeking a ride to San Antonio.

Joss is survived by his husband. They got married this year on Valentine’s Day. Joss referenced the devastation of losing his home in April, writing in his Facebook post he has since “been rebuilding, piece by piece, soul by soul.”

He added, addressing fans: “You’ve been the ones to lift me up, to remind me of the impact I’ve made, and to carry me through some of the darkest day[s] of my life. Your love means more than I can ever say.”

Gonzales wrote in Monday’s statement he and Joss were were in the process of finding a new home and “planning our future together.” He thanked Joss’ fans for their support and vowed to protect and carry on the actor’s legacy.

“Jonathan saved my life. I will carry that forward. I will protect what he built,” Gonzales wrote.

A man has been charged with attempted murder after a police officer was critically injured after being hit by a car.

PC Christopher Miller, 38, has been in hospital with life-threatening injuries since the incident on the B416 in Stoke Poges, Buckinghamshire on Thursday night.

Thames Valley Police arrested two men, aged 28 and 38, from Slough, Berkshire, on suspicion of attempted murder and causing serious injury by dangerous driving.

Simranjit Kajla, 28, has now been charged with attempted murder, the force confirmed on Tuesday.

He has also been charged with causing serious injury by dangerous driving, driving whilst disqualified and using a motor vehicle on a road without insurance.

Mr Kajla is scheduled to appear at Reading Magistrates’ Court on Tuesday.

As mass protests over the police murder of George Floyd raged across Los Angeles in late May 2020, the LAPD had an unexpected problem.

After a week of demonstrations, officers had fired so many “less-lethal” crowd control projectiles made of rubber that the department’s stockpile was running low.

Scrambling to buy more, officials arranged for two reserve officers to fly a private plane to Casper, Wyo., to pick up 2,000 additional rounds from an arms wholesaler called Safariland, according to LAPD emails reviewed by The Times.

The days and weeks that followed brought more unrest in the streets, with police criticized for indiscriminately firing rubber rounds into crowds, injuring scores of people with shots to the face or torso.

Multiple reports and activists assailed the department’s response to the protests as a botched operation that resulted from poor planning, inadequate training and failure to learn from past mistakes.

According to The Times’ analysis of LAPD data released by the L.A. city attorney’s office, police actions related to the George Floyd protests have cost $11.9 million in settlements and jury awards. Scores of other pending lawsuits represent potentially tens of millions more in liability exposure.

Yet five years removed from Floyd’s killing, police backers say public opinion has largely swung back in favor of aggressive law enforcement, pointing as proof to last year’s passage of tough-on-crime legislation and ousting of progressive prosecutors.

Last month, President Trump issued an executive order promising to “unleash high-impact local police forces” in his administration’s campaign against “criminal aliens.”

The U.S. Department of Justice moved last week to cancel settlements to overhaul police departments in Louisville, Ky., and Minneapolis. The federal oversight was part of the national reckoning with racism and police brutality that followed the law enforcement killings of Breonna Taylor and Floyd, who was pinned to the pavement by a police officer for nearly 10 minutes before dying.

The push to overhaul the LAPD that began in 2020 did not result in sweeping changes, but the Police Department has in some ways come to resemble the slimmed-down version sought by some activists.

While its multibillion-dollar budget has only grown, the number of low-level arrests and traffic stops have plummeted, and staffing shortages have forced the department to focus more on responding to and solving violent crimes.

Today, the department is nearly 1,300 officers smaller than it was when Floyd died, with fewer cops on the force than at any point since 1995, mirroring nationwide declines in police staffing.

On Thursday, the L.A. City Council signed off on a $14-billion spending plan for 2025-26 that cuts funding for police recruitment in order to avoid laying off hundreds of city workers. The council provided enough money for the LAPD to hire 240 new officers over the coming year, down from the 480 proposed by Mayor Karen Bass last month.

Asked in a news radio appearance last week whether Floyd’s death had changed policing, LAPD Chief Jim McDonnell said it had, largely with the slump in hiring.

LAPD Chief Jim McDonnell, center, and Capt. James Hwang perform the uniform inspection during graduation for recruit class 11-24 on May 2.

(Myung J. Chun / Los Angeles Times)

The department lost scores of cops who didn’t “feel support,” he said, and recruitment continues to prove challenging.

“So that has had a negative impact on the profession overall,” he told public radio station KCRW. “We have to restore morale within the organization; we have to restore pride within the profession.”

Following years of calls for embracing alternatives to traditional policing, LAPD officials and city leaders are continuing to explore ways to hand off calls involving substance abuse, homelessness and mental illness. Officers are also no longer responding to minor traffic accidents.

Efforts to limit police traffic involvement have gained some traction, and a controversial policy enacted by former Chief Michel Moore still restricts so-called pretextual stops of motorists or pedestrians that critics say led to the disproportionate harassment of Black and brown Angelenos. The department has also taken steps to try to limit dangerous pursuits by asking supervisors to monitor them in real-time, and if the chase proves too dangerous, to call them off.

Police data show violent crime continues to drop from pandemic highs, with the exception of aggravated assaults and robberies in certain parts of the city. Property crimes, including most burglaries, have also started to trend downward.

Some efforts at reform have stalled, including a proposal to overhaul the department’s disciplinary system for officers. Another plan that would have replaced LAPD officers with unarmed transportation workers on traffic stops sputtered amid debates around jurisdiction and funding.

Art Acevedo, who began his career with the California Highway Patrol before serving as police chief in several major cities including Houston and Miami, blamed movements to “defund” and “abolish” police for polarizing the debate on how to move forward.

Acevedo, who applied for the LAPD chief’s job that eventually went to McDonnell, said police unions and allies weaponized such rhetoric because it “effectively equated advocating for police reform as one and the same as advocating for defunding the police.”

“That movement created a backlash that has translated into a diminished appetite” for reform, he said.

Acevedo also worried about officers feeling emboldened to bend or break the rules in the current climate: “You don’t want to re-create the perception, real or not, that it’s open season for bad policing, because you’re going to have that small percentage that’re going to act on that belief that they’re not going to be held accountable.”

Melina Abdullah, co-founder of Black Lives Matter-Los Angeles, shared similar concerns.

“I think they absolutely feel unleashed,” she said of police. “Not that they were ever on a leash.”

Part of the problem, Abdullah said, is public fatigue over the seemingly constant barrage of troubling incidents.

“People don’t have the bandwidth to respond with the kind of outrage that they would when you saw the beatings at Pan Pacific Park,” said Abdullah, referring to the LAPD’s response to protests in 2020.

John Burton, an attorney who filed lawsuits on behalf of several people who were wounded by less-lethal rounds during L.A. protests in 2020, said that most changes to the LAPD have been around the edges, but the department hasn’t addressed its culture of aggression.

The lack of progress, he said, is obvious in the LAPD internal affairs investigations he’s reviewed that rarely found anything wrong with officers’ use of force — even in the face of overwhelming video evidence. More than a few officers mentioned in his lawsuits have since been promoted, he said, even after he accused them of lying in police reports.

LAPD supervisors looked the other way, he said, because they are “very protective” of their officers.

Burton also noted that rubber projectiles are still being used, despite little evidence the weapons helped rein in chaos on the streets. Police also once faced criticism last year for the handling of pro-Palestinian protests on the USC and UCLA campuses.

“The thought that you’re going to stop somebody from throwing a rock at the cops by shooting one of these first is a fantasy,” he said. “They can cause very serious injuries.”

The Associated Press contributed to this report.